Archive for the ‘The Real Issues’ Category

Stopping the Flow: Quebec Climate Action Camp takes on the Enbridge Trailbreaker project

Wednesday, September 8th, 2010

by Cameron Fenton

DUNHAM, QC—From August 7 to 23, the Quebec Climate Action Camp took root in Dunham, QC—an hour drive southeast of Montreal. The camp aimed to continue to build opposition to the construction of a pumping station in Dunham, a key piece of infrastructure in the Enbridge Trailbreaker project.

The Trailbreaker pipeline project would reverse the flow of existing pipleline infrastructure, moving tar sands oil from Alberta through the United States, Ontario, and eventually crossing through Montreal and Quebec’s Eastern Townships region. It would then be piped to Portland, Maine, to be loaded onto tankers destined for Texan refineries.

Community organizers from Dunham joined the Climate Camp to build momentum in a growing local movement against the pumping station. On August 15 over 100 people marched from Parc L’Envol, down Dunham’s Rue Principal to Town Hall. Dunham Mayor Jean-Guy Demers ended the march by voicing his support for the camp and for the campaign opposing the pumping station.

Over the two weeks of the Climate Camp, over 300 people visited the camp from across Quebec, eastern Canada, the northeastern United States and coming from as far as California and Austria. The visitors came not only to take action themselves, but also to work towards building a broad, empowering climate justice movement. The camp, powered by solar, wind and kinetic energy, was organized as an exercise in collective self-management.

Climate Camp ended with a march to the site of the proposed pumping station, and the launch of the Trailbreaker Pledge of Resistance. The pledge states that “because of the grave threat the Trailbreaker project poses to the climate, the community and all others in its path, we pledge to engage in non-violent direct action to stop the pumping station should they ever attempt to follow through with its construction without community consent.”

This article appeared in The Dominion on September 6, 2010.

Photo by Allan Cedillo Lissner

Annual bird mortality in tar sands tailings ponds exceeds government/industry figures: Study

Wednesday, September 8th, 2010

By Treeline Ecological Research | September 7, 2010

Edmonton – A study in the peer-reviewed journal The Wilson Journal of Ornithology to be published in early September (online in late August) shows annual bird mortality in the bitumen tailings ponds of northeastern Alberta – an internationally significant migratory bird corridor – greatly exceeds industry estimates.

The authors investigated three types of data: government-industry reported mortalities; rates of bird deaths at tailings ponds; and rates of landing, oiling, and mortality to quantify annual bird mortality due to exposure to tailings ponds.

For the period 2000 to 2007, reporting by industry indicated a mean annual mortality from tailings pond exposure of 65 birds. The study, entitled “Annual Bird Mortality in the Bitumen Tailings Ponds in Northeastern Alberta,” however, indicated an annual mortality in the range of 458 to 5,029 birds – a range deemed conservative because birds found dead represent an unknown fraction of true mortality and data do not include mortalities that occur before spring, between spring and fall migration, and after fall migration. The wide range in the annual mortality estimates is due in large part to spatial and temporal variations in bird mortality rates.

“The ad hoc monitoring by industry, sanctioned by government, cannot address pressing questions whose answers would aid in the conservation of both migratory and resident birds,” said Dr. Kevin Timoney of Treeline Ecological Research, one of the study’s authors along with Dr. Robert Roncini of Dalhousie University.

Other findings of the study include:

Landing deterrent systems at tailings ponds are only partially effective. The only way to prevent bird deaths is to discontinue the use of tailings ponds.

While tailings ponds, which contain bitumen, polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons, volatile organic compounds, naphthenic acids, brine, heavy metals, and ammonia, pose the greatest threat in spring when warm effluent-fed tailings ponds provide open water at a time when natural water bodies remain frozen, a high risk of oiling may extend throughout the open water season.

The fate of lightly oiled birds that continue migration, in particular to summer breeding areas, is unknown.

The total number of birds migrating through the region and the total annual bird mortality due to tailings ponds are not known with sufficient scientific rigor.

Data on mortalities during extreme weather events and on the frequency of mass mortality events are lacking.

The study concludes: “Government-overseen monitoring within a statistically valid design, standardized across all facilities, is needed. Systematic monitoring and accurate, timely reporting would provide data useful to all those concerned with bird conservation and management in the tar sands region.”

This press release appeared on rabble.ca on September 7, 2010

Image via treehugger.com

It’s the class struggle, stupid!

Tuesday, September 7th, 2010
ott0121-city6.jpg

Organized labour’s confused response to the McGuinty Liberals’ attack on Ontario’s working-class

By Ajamu Nangwaya and Alex Diceanu

Appeared in the Linchpin, on September 6, 2010

Organized labour in Ontario will continue to put forth a weak and ineffective response to attacks from the ruling class as long as it continues to ignore the reality of class struggle. A perfect example is its current response to a proposed two-year wage-freeze that the Dalton McGuinty-led Ontario government plans on imposing on unionized public sector workers. The provincial Liberals would like to save $750 million per year from a wage-freeze, so as to help manage the $19.3 billion budget deficit. Readers need not be reminded that this deficit is the result of the risky financial speculations of the captains of finance, industry and commerce that created the Great Recession of 2008.

But it is the 710,000 unionized members of the working class and 350,000 non-unionized managers and other employees who draw pay cheques from the government[1] and the users of state-provided services (and private sector workers) who are being asked to bear the burden of paying for the actions of the corporate sector. At the same time as this attempt to take income from the pockets of government workers, the McGuinty Liberals’ have granted a $4.6 billion tax-cut to the business sector.

The leader of the Ontario New Democrats, Andrea Howarth, has signaled her support for public sector workers’ acceptance of a pay cut. She asserts, “I’m quite sure when they get to the bargaining table they will do their part like everyone else does … there is a collective bargaining process that has to be respected.”[2] Wow! Who said that the working-class needs enemies with “friends” like the New Democratic Party (NDP) and its leader Andrea Horwarth?

However, it is the tame and even puzzling reaction of some of Ontario’s major labour leaders that should be of concern to workers in the public sector. The government called labour leaders and employers from the broader public sector to “consultation” talks on the wage freeze on July 19, 2010. Coming out of the talks, this was what CUPE-Ontario president Fred Hahn had to say, “This is not like the early ’90s, this is not about sharing the pain. That’s all just not true”.[3] He was referring to former NDP premier Bob Rae’s unilateral opening of public sector workers’ contracts and the imposition of public sector wage-cuts accompanied by tax increases for the corporate sector. Was Brother Hahn implying that a wage-freeze would be tolerable, if accompanied by the cancelation of the $4.6 billion corporate tax-cut?

No credible union or union leader should contemplate a zero-wage increase over two years – even if the government rescinds the $4.6 billion tax-cut. There should not have been a tax-cut for the capitalist class. Restoring the tax should not be used as a bargaining chip to escape a wage-freeze on public sector workers.

Not to be outdone was the president of the Ontario Public Service Employees’ Union, Warren (Smokey) Thomas. We will leave it to you to decipher the implicit message in the following statement by Smokey Thomas. “Just because he [Minister of Finance Dwight Duncan] wants something doesn’t mean he’s going to get it. It’s not a social contract. He can propose (a wage-freeze) but he has to bargain it. He can’t legislate it. He’ll lose.”[4] Is it just us or does that sound like a labour leader who is not really in a fighting spirit and just wants to make a deal?

A simple matter of misguided policy?

However, the critical issue for Ontario’s public sector workers is the extent to which many of our labour leaders seem to be completely unaware of the state and employers’ motives for disciplining labour through wage concessions. Ismael Hossein-zaded of Drake University made the following observation, which is quite applicable to the posturing of labour leaders in Ontario:

Quote:

Viewing the savage class war of the ruling kleptocracy on the people’s living and working conditions simply as “bad” policy, and hoping to somehow—presumably through smart arguments and sage advice—replace it with the “good” Keynesian policy of deficit spending without a fight, without grassroots‟ involvement and/or pressure, stems from the rather naïve supposition that policy making is a simple matter of technical expertise or the benevolence of policy makers, that is, a matter of choice. The presumed choice is said to be between only two alternatives: between the stimulus or Keynesian deficit spending, on the one hand, and the Neoliberal austerity of cutting social spending, on the other.5

Based on some of the statements coming from labour leaders, they may not have gotten the memo that the attack on the working-class (through the slashing of social programme spending, attacks on private sector pensions and wage freezes) is not about good or bad economic policies. Hossein-Zedad must have been inspired to write his paper after reading the following Keynesian-inspired comment by Ontario Federation of Labour president Sid Ryan; “From a policy perspective, it makes no economic sense whatsoever. You’ve got a government saying we need to stimulate the economy. The best way of stimulating the economy is through public-sector workers who spend every single penny of their disposable income in their local communities,”[6] But it’s not about the economy, per se. It’s the class struggle, stupid!

Canada’s economic and political elite have clearly given up the ghost of Keynesian economics, which calls on government to either stimulate or restrict the demand for goods and services based on the state of the economy. In the case of the 2008 crisis in capitalism, these neoliberal players felt forced by the magnitude of the impending financial collapse to pump money into the economy. A not-too-insignificant fact was lost on many observers and commentators who gleefully cheered on the capitalist class’ “Road-to-Damascus” moment. The capitalist state in Canada and other imperialist countries will do everything within their power to maintain a business environment that facilitates the accumulation of capital or profit-making, as well as legitimize the system in the eyes of the people. That is all in a day’s work for the state…no surprise here for class conscious trade unionists and other activists!

Labour’s “Response”

We ought to note that the recent crisis in the economy caught organized labour off-guard and ill-prepared to mobilize the working-class against that monumental failure of capitalism. For decades, Western corporations and governments have been force-feeding the public a steady diet of tax-cuts. Lower taxes on businesses, high-income earners and the wealthy, the widespread slashing of social services and income support programmes, a massive reduction in state oversight and regulation of corporations and the enactment of anti-union policies and legislation have been the all rage since corproations and Western governments abandoned their class-collaborationist pact with organized labour in the 1970s. Yet at the very moment when capitalism experienced a crisis of confidence resulting from a set of policies that had been hailed as perfect ingredients for economic and social progress, organized labour was caught with its pants down. Its leaders didn’t have a class struggle alternative to Keynesian economics – an economic tendency that was never intended to be used as a tool to end wage slavery and the minority rule of bankers, industrialists and the managerial and political elite.

Presently, the labour movement is ideologically and operationally ill-prepared to effectively face down the two-year wage-freeze demand from the McGuinty Liberals. Unfortunately, labour’s leaders have, in the main, focused on narrow economic demands rather than seeking to politically develop union activists and their broader membership behind a class struggle labour movement platform. Union members have been politically deskilled and demobilized in favour of a social service model of trade unionism. These labour leaders have failed to use their unions’ courses, workshops, week-long schools, publications and other educational resources to educate members of the fact that they are a part of a distinct class with economic and political interests that are different from that of the rulers of capitalist society.

Even the most casual of observers understand that organized labour’s raison d’être is to champion the material concerns of the working-class. And yet, ideologically-speaking, most labour leaders in Canada have cast their lot in with capitalism – albeit a more Scandinavian version. This is why a coherent critique of capitalism is notably absent from most union-organized workshops and events. It should therefore not come as a surprise that many union members have swallowed the employers and politicians’ message that Canada is a largely middle-class country and that our collective aspiration should be to remain a member of this class. If the labour leaders, academics and the media say that the majority of Canadians are a part of the middle-class, it must be so. The development of a working-class consciousness becomes very difficult (but not impossible) in this kind of political environment.

The great majority of Canadians are members of the working-class. They sell their labour, exercise little to no control over how their work-life is organized, have no say over how the profit from their labour is distributed and are so alienated from work that the aphorism “Thank god it’s Friday” has its own acronym. One should never define middle-class status as one’s ability to purchase consumer trinkets, live in a mortgaged home or even own a summer cottage. Middle-class status ought to be defined by one’s exercise of power and control and/or the possession of high levels of human capital found among administrative/managerial elites in the private and public sectors, academic elites and independent professionals.

Labour’s Credibility Crisis

The narrow economic obsession of labour leaders was on plain display when Ontario Finance Minister Dwight Duncan revealed the March 2010 Budget. When it became known that the McGuinty Liberals would be seeking a two-year wage-freeze from public sector workers, this news was all that consumed the attention of most labour leaders. Many labour functionaries scrambled around in search of external and internal legal opinions, requesting briefs from senior staff on the impact of a wage-freeze on bargaining in specific sectors and sending out correspondence to members assuring them to “just act as if nothing had happened”, because they’re “already covered by a collective agreement”. Many labour union offices’ and unionized workplaces’ anxiety was centred entirely on the desired wage-freeze by the McGuinty Liberals. Nothing else!

But today we hear labour leaders talking about keeping money in workers’ pockets to stimulate the economy and that their primary concern is maintaining public services at adequate levels. Why didn’t organized labour deploy its resources to educate and mobilize the public against the $4.6 billion corporate tax-cuts, slashing of $4 billion in transportation infrastructure spending from Metrolinx’s $9.3 billion budget7] and the scrapping of the special diet allowance that benefitted over 160,000 members of the working-class for the unprincely sum of $250 million per annum and a mere monthly average of $130 per person[8]? The provincial government anticipates that the two-year wage-freeze across the public sector will net a savings of $1.5 billion – yet the previous $8.6 billion effectively stolen from the working class failed to push organized labour into action.

The leaders of organized labour did not have the imagination to energize their members and the broader citizenry in alliance with other social movement organizations over the Budget. They could have exposed the class priorities of the McGuinty Liberals. The government’s main concerns clearly have nothing to do with those of us who are poor, live from pay cheque to pay cheque and do not patronize the golf courses where McGuinty and his friends hang out when they are not screwing the public. Listen up public sector labour leaders: the people will not be fooled by your claims to be advocating for the general interest. The broader working-class just have to simply see where you direct the labour movement’s resources and they will clue into the issues that are being prioritized. Take a look at the poor, working-class and/or racialized areas that are likely to be affected by the $4 billion cut to Metrolinx’s budget:

Quote:

…the austerity moves could affect five planned projects: rapid transit lines for Finch Ave. W., Sheppard Ave. E. and the Scarborough RT, along with the Eglinton Ave. cross-town line and an expansion of York region’s Viva service.[9]

Are we to believe that a class-struggle and anti-oppression informed public education, organizing and mobilization campaign in defense of public services, the social wage and a livable wage would not have had some level of traction with the people of Ontario?

An alternative economic plan or a different labour movement?

In some quarters of the trade union sector, there are talks of presenting an alternative plan to the slash-and-burn neoliberal policies of the provincial government. But, the presentation of Keynesian economic proposals by labour leaders is useless in a climate where the ruling class doesn’t feel threatened by a politically mobilized population, especially without “compelling grassroots pressure on policy makers”.[10] We implied earlier that labour unions have a credibility gap with the broader public if they now assert a desire to “broaden the debate, educate community members and local politicians with a view to engaging in actions that protect public services and build strong communities” as outlined by one union. What would be the purpose of the alternative plans of these labour leaders? The status quo of the 1930s to the 1960s that gave rise to the welfare state is not a transformative option.

There is no such thing as a “contextless” context. Where is the necessary political environment that would force the state to make concessions to the working-class out of fear that they maybe inclined to embrace revolutionary options? When some labour leaders are loosely talking about coming up with an alternative (Keynesian economic plan?) stimulus proposal, they would do well to understand the political implications of the following statement:

Quote:

Keynesian economists seem to be unmindful of this fundamental relationship between economics and politics. Instead, they view economic policies as the outcome of the battle of ideas, not of class forces or interests. And herein lies one of the principal weaknesses of their argument: viewing the Keynesian/New Deal/Social Democratic reforms of the 1930s through the 1960s as the product of Keynes’ or F.D.R.’s genius, or the goodness of their hearts; not of the compelling pressure exerted by the revolutionary movements of that period on the national policy makers to “implement reform in order to prevent revolution,” as F.D.R. famously put it. This explains why economic policy makers of today are not listening to Keynesian arguments—powerful and elegant as they are—because there would be no Keynesian, New Deal, or Social-Democratic economics without revolutionary pressure from the people.[11]

However, when labour leaders shy away from speaking openly about class-struggle and the nature of our economic system, we have a serious problem. It means that they are not in a position to facilitate a class-struggle, democracy-from-below and self-organizing form of trade unionism.

In order fight this attack on the working-class of Ontario, the labour movements’ rank-and-file activists, progressive leaders and principled labour socialists must engage in shop-floor education, organizing and mobilizing that is centred on a class-struggle, anti-racist and anti-oppression campaign. This approach to labour activism must be done in alliance with progressive or radical social movement organizations among women, racialized peoples, indigenous peoples, youth, students, LGBT community, climate/environmental justice, independent and revolutionary labour organizations, anti-authoritarian formations, and radical intellectuals. It must be an alliance based on mutual respect, sharing of approaches to emancipation and resources and a commitment to the value that the oppressed are the architect of and the driving force behind the movement for their emancipation. It is essential that organized labour open up and transform its leadership and decision-making structures to accommodate the full inclusion of its membership, in all their diversity.

In most of our unions and locals, this means starting from the beginning and we can use this current crisis to take those first steps. There is a lot of frustration among union members and community activists over the inaction of labour’s leadership in the face of this attack – and a desire to do something about it. That frustration and desire can be channeled into building cross-union “fight back committees” that bring together trade union and community activists in a city or town, such as members of the Greater Toronto Workers Assembly have already begun to do in that city. The “fight back committees” can give us a capacity to act independently from organized labour’s leadership. And probably our first acts should be to organize general assemblies in our locals and town hall meetings in our communities to promote a working-class view of the economic crisis and to mobilize our fellow workers and neighbours around militant, grassroots resistance to the McGuinty government and all the forces promoting a new round of austerity for the working-class.

Nothing less than a self-organizing, class-struggle approach to trade unionism will put labour in a position to fight in the here-and-now, while building the road we must travel on our way to the classless and stateless society of the future.

Alex Diceanu is a member of the Canadian Union of Public Employees, Local 3906 and a graduate student at McMaster University. Ajamu Nangwaya is a member of the Canadian Union of Public Employees, Locals 3907 and 3902 and a graduate student at the University of Toronto. Both authors are members of the Ontario anarchist organization, Common Cause.

________________________________________
[1] Walkom, T. (2010, March 26). Liberals aim at easy targets. Toronto Star. Retrieved from http://www.thestar.com/news/ontario/ontariobudget/article/785616–walkom…
[2] Brennan, R. J. & Talaga, T. (2010, March 26) Hudak cut wages deeper. Toronto Star. Retrieved fromhttp://www.thestar.com/news/ontario/ontariobudget/article/785343–hudak-cut-wages-deeper
[3] Benzie, R. (2010, July 20). Dwight Duncan’s wage-freeze pitch gets frosty reception. Toronto Star. Retrieved fromhttp://www.thestar.com/news/ontario/article/837872–dwight-duncan-s-wage-freeze-pitch-gets-frosty-reception
[4] Benzie, July 20
[5] Hossein-zaded, I. (2010, July 23-25). Holes in the Keynesian Arguments against Neoliberal Austerity Policy—Not “Bad” Policy, But Class Policy. Retrieved from http://www.counterpunch.org/zadeh07232010.html
[6] Benzie, July 20.
[7] Hume, C. (2010, March 29). Transit still not a priority. Toronto Star. Retrieved from http://www.thestar.com/news/gta/ttc/article/787317–transit-still-not-a-…
[8] The Canadian Press. (2010 April 1). Ontario asked to restore special diet allowance. Retrieved fromhttp://www.cbc.ca/canada/toronto/story/2010/04/01/diet-allowance.html
9] Goddard, J., Rider, D. & Kalinoski, (2010, March 26). Miller outraged as budget sideswiped GTA transit. Toronto Star. Retrieved fromhttp://www.thestar.com/news/gta/article/785573–miller-outraged-as-budget-sideswipes-gta-transit
[10] Hossein-zaded, I, Holes in the Keynesian arguments against neoliberal austerity policy.
[11] ibid

A Brief note on the origins of Labour Day

Monday, September 6th, 2010

Canada – The Origins of Labour Day Labour Day is celebrated on the first Monday of September. It is a statutory holiday throughout Canada. The Canadian labour movement can justly claim the title of originator of Labour Day. Peter J. McGuire, one of the founders of the American Federation of Labour has traditionally been known as the ‘Father of Labour Day’. Historical evidence indicates that McGuire obtained his idea for the establishment of an annual demonstration and public holiday from the Canadian trade unionist.

Earliest records show that the Toronto Trades Assembly, perhaps the original central labour body in Canada, organized the first North American ‘workingman’s demonstration’ of any significance for April 15,1872. The beribboned parade marched smartly in martial tread accompanied by four bands. About 10,000 Torontonians turned out to see the parade and listen to the speeches calling for abolition of the law which decreed that trade unions were criminal conspiracies in restraint of trade.

The freedom of 24 imprisoned leaders of the Toronto Typographical Union, on strike to secure the nine-hour working day, was the immediate purpose of the parade, on what was then Thanksgiving Day. It was still a crime to be a member of a union in Canada although the law of criminal conspiracy in restraint of trade had been repealed by the United Kingdom parliament in 1871. Toronto was not the only city to witness a labour parade in 1872. On September 3, members of seven unions in Ottawa organized a parade more than a mile long, headed by the Garrison Artillery band and flanked by city fireman carrying torches.

The Ottawa parade wound its way to the home of Prime Minister Sir John A. MacDonald where the marchers hoisted him into a carriage and drew him to Ottawa City Hall by torchlight. ‘The Old Chieftain’, aware of the discontent of workers with the laws which made unions illegal, in a ringing declaration from the steps of the City Hall, promised the marchers that his party would ‘sweep away all such barbarous laws from the statute books’. Parliament passed the Trade Union Act on June 14 the following year, and soon all unions were demanding a 54-hour work-week. The offending conspiracy laws were repealed by the Canadian government in 1872. The tradition established by the Toronto Trades Assembly was continued through the seventies and into the early 1880′s.

In 1882, the Toronto Trades and Labour Council, successor to the TTA, decided to organize the annual demonstration and picnic for July 22. The council sent an invitation to Peter J. McGuire of New York requesting his services of as a speaker for the occasion. McGuire was the founder and general secretary of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters which had organized the previous year. It was in the same year, that McGuire proposed at a meeting of the New York Central Labour Union that a festive day be set aside for a demonstration and picnic. Labour Day was first celebrated in New York on September 5,1882. It is apparent, however, that the custom had developed in Canada and the invitation sent to McGuire prompted his suggestion to the New York labour body.

Soon pressure for legislation to declare a national holiday for Labour Day was exerted in both Canada and the United States. In 1894 the government of Sir John Thompson enacted such legislation on July 23, with the Prime Minister piloting the bill through Parliament against the opposition of some of his Conservative followers. Canadian trade unionists have celebrated this day set aside to honor those who labour’ from the 1870′s on. The first Labour Day parade in Winnipeg, in 1894, was two miles long. There can be little doubt that the annual demonstrations of worker’s solidarity each Labour Day in North America owe their inspiration to small group of ‘illegal’ members of the Toronto Trades Assembly.

This post was originally circulated through the Kingston Labour list-serve, Sept 3rd, 2010

Three Weeks In The West Bank

Saturday, September 4th, 2010

In the wake of the Conservative government funding cuts to NGOs critical of Israel, independent journalist David Parker traveled to the West Bank in April to learn more about the reality of life in Palestine.

Israel maintains a three-year long siege on Gaza, and continues to actively colonize the West Bank, displacing Palestinians, stealing land, and enforcing a matrix of control.

Villages across the West Bank protest weekly against the construction route of the separation wall, which annexes Palestinian land and places Palestinians in walled communities under Israeli military control. In this photo, demonstrators at the non-violent protest in Bil’in village are met with volleys of tear gas launched by Israeli Defence Forces (IDF). Despite IDF regulations, soldiers shoot high velocity tear gas canisters directly at protesters, causing regular injuries. On this day an Israeli protesting in solidarity with the Palestinians suffered a fractured skull and internal bleeding.

A protest in the Old City of Hebron calls for freedom of movement for Palestinians. Jewish settlers watch from the safety of a Yeshiva compound, surrounded by IDF. In the H2 district of Hebron, where 30,000 Palestinians live with 800 settlers, Palestinian movement is heavily restricted, while settlers are allowed freedom of movement and are protected by the IDF.

Immediately following a court-ordered eviction of the Palestinian Al-Kurd family from their home in Sheikh Jarrah in November 2008, Jewish settlers occupied the house. The Al-Kurd family has erected a “protest tent” in the front yard beside their house, and international and Israeli activists keep a 24-hour watch in the tent to prevent violent attacks. Settlers claim ownership of the land due to property documents dating to the Ottoman Empire. Though the Israeli state may recognize Jewish title to this land, it does not recognize Palestinian ownership of land before 1948. Settlers hope to displace Palestinians from Sheikh Jarrah, and to create a Jewish community in its place.

Beit Hanoun, northern Gaza: non-violent Palestinian demonstration against Israel’s policy of border region aggressions. Marchers came within 100 metres of the border wall. “This is the first time in a decade Palestinians have been on this land,” according to one organizer.

Two international activists are dragged by IDF officers. The protesters were demonstrating against the construction of the border wall by blocking a bulldozer in Al-Walaje.

Palestinian shepherds continue a centuries-old tradition of grazing their flocks of goats in the South Hebron Hills, despite harassment and violence from the residents of Jewish-only settlements and outposts, such as Avigail, which was constructed in 2001.

The Jewish-only settlement of Gilo overlooks Palestinian farmland that will be annexed by Israel with the construction of the wall around Al-Walaje. The wall will completely encircle the Palestinian village, allowing only one entry and exit checkpoint, and reduce the area of the village from 500 hectares to 200-300 hectares.

Archaeological excavations for the City of David in Silwan, Jerusalem, are displacing Palestinians. Palestinian homes are being demolished to make way for underground tunnels to expand the archaeological site, and build new homes for Jewish settlers. “Our goal is to turn all this land into Jewish hands,” states the ELAD Association, the settler-NGO directing the excavations.

Originally published in The Dominion. June 28, 2010.

David Parker is Spoken Word Coordinator at CKDU 88.1 in Halifax.

Canadian Military Seeking Lessons From Israeli Occupying Army

Saturday, September 4th, 2010

Canadian military officials have undertaken a comprehensive effort with their Israeli counterparts to “pursue deeper relationships,” to borrow from Israel’s weapons, war training, and counter-insurgency strategies, and to strengthen diplomatic ties, according to documents obtained through access to information (ATI) requests.

The documents from the Department of National Defence (DND) detail an October 2009 visit to Israel by General Walter Natynczyk, chief of the Canadian Forces (CF).

“Your trip to Israel…will also offer you insight into broader regional issues, the multitude of threats facing Israel, the lessons learned from IDF [Israeli Defence Force] operations, and Israeli strategic thinking and military equipment,” states one briefing note.

Although Israel has found itself increasingly isolated diplomatically in recent years, support from successive Canadian governments has grown.

“It is harder to find a country friendlier to Israel than Canada these days,” ultra right-wing Israeli Foreign Affairs Minister Avigdor Lieberman said on a trip to Canada last year. “No other country in the world has demonstrated such a full understanding of us.”

Photo: Tim McSorley

Canadian government and military officials appear ready to disregard what critics like South African Archbishop Desmond Tutu refer to as Israel’s apartheid practices in order to maintain, as the documents put it, a “robust and rich” bilateral relationship.

The DND refused repeated requests for an interview.

The series of formal high-level meetings between figures in the Canadian military and the IDF have gone under the name of “Strategic Dialogue,” according to the disclosed documents. The first of these meetings, described in the documents as being “very successful” took place in Tel Aviv in February 2008.

“Overall, the trip solidified existing friendships, uncovered further opportunities for military-military cooperation, and, perhaps most importantly, revealed that DND/CF is well situated to pursue deeper relationships,” states a memo written after the meetings. Since February, 2008, there have been a number of formal “staff talks” between the upper echelons of Canada and Israel’s defence establishments.

Comprised mostly of briefing notes and backgrounders, the documents explain contentious issues, outline strict talking points, and, under heavy redaction, disclose “future considerations” for improving Canadian bilateral relations with Israel and the IDF. Several briefing notes deal exclusively with particular issues of cooperation, such as Science and Technology Cooperation, Military Medical Cooperation, and Defence Material Relations.

Documents prepared for Natynczyk’s trip in October, 2009, note that one of the “key objectives” was to “examine IDF equipment, tactics, doctrine, procedures, that might have operational benefits for the Canadian Forces.” To that end, Natynczyk met with a host of IDF senior generals, as well as Defence Minister Ehud Barak. The meetings focussed on gaining access to Israeli areas of “expertise,” including gaining insights into Israeli military strategies and tactics.

While meeting Brigadier General Harel Knafo, Natynczyk received a briefing on “the lessons learned from [2008’s] Gaza War.” Knafo commanded Operation Cast Lead, Israel’s aerial bombardment and ground invasion during the Gaza War that killed more than 1380 Palestinians, 400 of them children, according to Israeli human rights group B’Tselem.

The visit came on the heels of the Goldstone Report, a UN investigation into the Gaza War by former South African Supreme Court judge Richard Goldstone.

In his report, Goldstone criticized both Hamas and Israel for crimes of war during the conflict, but the report singled out Israel for the most serious condemnation. Goldstone documented the IDF’s use of Palestinians as human shields – itself a war crime – and warned that the Israeli blockade of Gaza amounted to “collective punishment intentionally inflicted by the government of Israel on the people of the Gaza Strip.”

Israel’s war, according to Goldstone, was designed to “punish, humiliate and terrorise a civilian population.”

Natynczyk also discussed counter-insurgency operations with top Israeli General Gabi Ashkenazi.

“[Ashkenazi] suggested further military-military cooperation with Canada, including regarding doctrines and tactics that enable forces to switch conduct both asymmetric and conventional operations and switch between the two,” recounts a summary note of the meeting.

The switch between “asymmetric” and “conventional” operations is a reference to Israel’s special brand of counter-insurgency: the unconventional, often urban warfare Israel engages in against Palestinians in the occupied territories.

Presiding over one of the longest military occupations in modern times, Israel is an acknowledged leader in innovating new tactics of urban warfare. As Israeli scholar and architect Eyal Weizman has documented, the Israeli military reshape the battleground to meet their objectives in the densely populated and often impenetrable cities and refugee camps of the West Bank: rather than fight in the streets, for instance, they blast holes through the walls and ceilings of houses, moving in this manner often through entire streets.

Battles in half-demolished living rooms, bedrooms and corridors of refugee camp homes have blurred the lines between civilian and military – or private and public – space.

This is the military laboratory in which the “doctrines and tactics” mentioned by Ashkenazi are studied and, as the memo indicates, exported to other urban environments.

Canadian military officials have clearly stated their strategy in Afghanistan has focused on developing stronger counterinsurgency tactics. Canada has said it will withdraw its military presence in the country in 2011, but Canadian Lieutenant-General Andrew Leslie has said Canada’s military future is based on counterinsurgency measures.

“It’s not going to be peacemaking anymore, it’s going to be counter-insurgency because the odds of us doing peacemaking between two functional states are probably pretty low, ergo COIN (counter-insurgency),” he told the Toronto Star in 2009.

While clearly interested in borrowing from IDF technologies, briefing notes also indicate Canadian officials are eager to win recognition of their war-making capacities from both Israeli and U.S. authorities.

“In Israel, the IDF’s warm welcome and insistence [redacted] is open to Canada reflects both the deepening relations between our two militaries and the credibility and respect won by CF operations in Afghanistan,” says a briefing memo to Natynczyk.

In various notes, Natynczyk is reminded to highlight Canada’s military efforts in Afghanistan and stress Canada’s contributions to various U.S. and Israeli diplomatic initiatives.

In addition to advancing military cooperation through the Strategic Dialogue, documents reveal that Natynczyk’s trip is part diplomatic mission. An array of diplomatic initiatives are tied to the Strategic Dialogue, and Canada’s increased role in supporting a militarized international agenda premised on an aggressive and militarized Israel in the Middle East.

The Canadian military’s most significant operation in Israel is in support of US-led operations under the command of US Lieutenant-General Keith Dayton. Dayton, in close coordination with Israel, leads the United States Security Coordinator (USSC) program, initiated in 2005. It was created, according to then-US Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice, in order to oversee the training of a new integrated Palestinian police force and to referee problems between rival political parties Hamas and Fatah. Under Dayton’s leadership, the program is closely coordinated with the Israelis. Canadian members make up the bulk of Dayton’s training team – with 18 Canadian officers alongside 10 American.

The USSC program has come under scrutiny, though. A 2008 exposé by Vanity Fair revealed that these security forces attempted to overthrow Hamas and prop up Mahmoud Abbas’s Fatah party following Hamas’s victory in the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council elections.

US forces face restrictions around their movement in the West Bank, though, that Candian forces do not. Due in large part to Canada’s reputation as a “trusted, impartial third-party,” the notes claim that CF personnel enter the West Bank daily allowing them to offer a useful window of intelligence on the West Bank to the American army. As briefing notes indicate, Dayton is “an enthusiastic advocate of Canada’s support to his mission” with the US government.

Canada plays a similar conduit like role in respect to facilitating communication between NATO and Israel. In this regard, the Canadian Embassy in Tel Aviv is serving as Israel’s NATO Contact Point Embassy until 31 December 2010.

Beyond the role as a NATO contact, the documents reveal a small glimpse into Canada’s behind-the-scenes role in lobbying for Israel’s inclusion into NATO.

Canada serves as “the liaison between Israel and NATO, assists with visits of NATO officials…to Israel.” Canada is also the first country to speak at NATO meetings that involve Israel, details one briefing note.

The documents show Canada has been working with Israel towards its goal of a stronger partnership with NATO. This includes helping Israel in its “pursuit of a Status of Forces Agreement, getting access to the NATO Maintenance Supply Agency, [redacted].”

The fundamental principle of the Cold War NATO alliance is that an attack against one party is equivalent to an attack against all parties of the alliance. Hence bringing Israel into NATO could mean that Canada would automatically declare war on an aggressor that attacked Israel, whatever the definition of aggression.

These sentiments were recently made public when junior Foreign Affairs minister Peter Kent mused to the magazine Shalom Life that “an attack on Israel would be considered an attack on Canada.” Kent later apologized for the public comment but noted that Israel understood its substance.

The documents are only a small glimpse into the dialogue between the two nations’ militaries. A talking point laid out in a note to Natynczyk during his October 2009 visit confirm a strong commitment to increasing and future collaboration.

“I am pleased with the increased cooperation between Canadian Forces and the IDF and I am looking forward to future coordination and partnership between our armed forces.”

SIDEBAR: Recent Developments in Canada-Israel Relations

• Although Canada’s diplomatic support for an Israeli state predates Israel’s inception, policy toward the country became more friendly under Liberal prime minister Paul Martin, and veered further right under Stephen Harper.

• Among the long list of examples of Canada’s ardent pro-Israel turn was Harper’s response to the massive bombardment of Lebanon in 2006 following the Hezbollah abduction of two Israeli soldiers. While the international community decried Israel’s aberrant bombardment, Harper described it as a “measured response.”

• The conflict killed at least 1,500 people, mostly Lebanese civilians, and severely damaged Lebanese infrastructure. Among the accounts of widespread collateral damage was the death of Canadian soldier Major Paeta Hess-von Kruedener.

• Kruedener was among four UN Military Observ­ers killed when the Israeli Air Force attacked a UN observation post in southern Lebanon. Brief­ing notes written for Natynczyk shed light on Canadian diplomatic actions in the aftermath of Kruedener’s death.

• The notes state Israel took responsibility for their deaths, but that the killings were unintentional. Unbeknownst to many, however, the notes mention that Harper subsequently wrote to Israeli Prime Min­ister Olmert accepting Israel’s account. While Harper presents himself as a defender of military personnel, it appears – in the face of widespread criticism of Israel following the attack on the UN position – that Canada was more inclined to defend the reputation of its ally than demand answers to uncomfortable questions on behalf of its soldiers.

• Revealing Israel’s sensitivity to the issue, Natynczyk is warned in the briefings: “Israel has made clear that it has answered all the questions it intends to with respect to the deaths of the four.”

Originally published in The Dominion. August 25, 2010.

Yavar Hameed is a human rights lawyer and sessional lecturer at Carleton University in Ottawa. Jeff Monaghan works with Books to Prisoners in Ottawa.

Did AbitibiBowater Settlement Create Private Water Rights?

Friday, September 3rd, 2010

The Council of Canadians is demanding that the terms of the recent NAFTA settlement between pulp and paper company AbitibiBowater and the federal government be made public. The Council believes that within this settlement exist possible constitutional repercussions affecting provincial jurisdiction over regional water rights.

AbitibiBowater used Chapter 11 of NAFTA to sue Canada over the alleged illegal seizure of company property by the province of Newfoundland following the closure of the Grand Falls paper mill and ensuing bankruptcy of the company. The property was seized in response to the cancellation of severance packages worth thousands of dollars for 500 workers within the province as a result of the company filing for bankruptcy protection.

Fred Wilson goes into further detail in an article from rabble.ca:

Danny Williams and the Newfoundland government were furious with the company and they proceeded to take back the company’s timber and water rights and expropriate their hydro-electric dam and power station.  After all, the hydro operation depended entirely on a water license issued by the province to provide power for the mill.

A negotiation then ensued over the appropriate compensation for the investments that the company had made in the hydro operation.  But just what is the value of a hydro station that is based on a license to provide power for a mill that the company has now closed?

Danny Williams was nicknamed “Hugo” over the expropriation of the assets.  Even though the government’s actions did not save their jobs, the mill workers have nothing but admiration for Williams.  A lesser known part of this story is that the Premier and the government then stepped in and paid over $30 million in severance pay that was owed to the people who lost their jobs at Grand Falls.  To my knowledge, this is unprecedented by any government in Canada.

Needless to say, any deal between the province and AbitibiBowater would have to take into account the millions of dollars of company obligations to workers already paid by Newfoundland.  The larger question is whether AbitibiBowater was using public resources to run a paper mill or to be a private power producer.  Put another way, are the licenses to use resources for economic development just another kind of private property that can be used or not used or sold regardless of the public benefit?

In any event, the NAFTA challenge was from day one a bargaining chip in these negotiations, and the NAFTA proceedings will now be just another bargaining table where the company thinks it will have a stronger hand.

The NAFTA suit also offends on another level.  AbitibiBowater is presumably still a Canadian company (although 51% of its shares are held by the former Bowater shareholders).  Its headquarters is a landmark in downtown Montreal and the majority of its mills are in Canada.  The company has a $100 million loan guarantee from the province of Quebec and it is negotiating with the federal government for further assistance to restructure and emerge from CCAA protection.

As it turns out, whether the company is Canadian or not doesn’t matter.  As long as there are US investors or shareholders, a Chapter 11 case can be brought.  In other words, this NAFTA provision is much less about trade between countries, and much more about the privileges of capital to trump the rights of citizens and governments.

So Newfoundland is in effect being dragged to the World Bank building and forced to defend the actions of its legislature before an unelected and non-judicial, unconstitutional NAFTA star chamber.  Of course, all that can be avoided by giving the company everything it wants.

The case was ultimately settled at the end of August of this year, with the federal government agreeing to compensate AbitibiBowater $130 million for the expropriated assets.

Originally published on cbc.ca

Newfoundland and Labrador Premier Danny Williams expressed happiness with the federal payout.

“We are pleased that the matter has been concluded and we appreciate the work of the federal government in resolving the issue,” according to a statement issued to CBC News by Williams’s office.

“The Government of Canada has agreed to make a payment of $130 million to AbitibiBowater upon the company’s restructuring. This payment represents the fair market value of the company’s expropriated assets,” said a statement from Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada.

“AbitibiBowater has agreed to irrevocably and permanently withdraw its claim against Canada.”

The company said the federal payment forestalled an expensive legal case under NAFTA.

“We believe this is an acceptable settlement for our company, stakeholders and creditors, given the set of circumstances faced by the company at this particular time, as well as the inherent uncertainty of any judicial process,” stated CEO David Paterson.

“We are now able to move forward and focus on finalizing our restructuring process and plans to emerge from creditor protection in the fall 2010. AbitibiBowater would like to thank the Government of Canada for its efforts to reach this settlement and avoid a protracted and expensive NAFTA case.”

The settlement has not generated a solely positive response however, and has in fact set off warning bells in the offices of those charged with the task of safeguarding the public rights of Canadians.

The Council of Canadians released the following press release on August 25 in response:

The $130 million NAFTA settlement handed to pulp and paper company AbitibiBowater yesterday by the federal government could have constitutional repercussions affecting provincial jurisdiction and water governance according to the Council of Canadians. The organization is demanding that the terms of the deal be made public. “Water is a public resource to be managed by governments in the public interest,” says Maude Barlow, national chairperson of the Council of Canadians.

“If AbitibiBowater has in any way been compensated for the loss of water and timber rights, as the company is suggesting, the Harper government’s hundred million dollar buyout would turn water into private property. Imagine the consequences of handing oil and gas companies operating in the tar sands this same right to draw water or else be compensated,” says Barlow.

Unlike the United States and other countries, Canada rejected private property as an inalienable right when it signed a new Constitution into law in 1982. This NAFTA settlement with AbitibiBowater proves again how investment guarantees in free trade agreements have forced private property rights into Canadian law – with high costs for Canadians and few if any possible benefits to the management of Canada’s economy, natural resources in particular. If the company is telling the truth that not only its assets but its water and timber rights have been compensated for, the threat to water management in Canada will be high.

The Council of Canadians is also astonished that AbitibiBowater was let off the hook recently by a Quebec court from having to foot the bill of the needed environmental cleanup of its now inoperative plant in Newfoundland.

“This NAFTA settlement tells multinational companies around the world that Canada will pay them to eliminate jobs and to pollute the environment,” says Barlow. “NAFTA made these kinds of settlements inevitable by letting investors challenge even public health and environmental policy directly as indirect expropriations of their profits. The anti-democratic Chapter 11 dispute process should be gutted from NAFTA and a more balanced international investment regime put in place.”

Project Samosa Anti Terror Arrests: A Spiced Up and Deep Fried Narrative

Wednesday, September 1st, 2010

 

By No One is Illegal-Vancouver, August 29th, 2010

No One is Illegal-Vancouver, Coast Salish Territories is a grassroots anti-colonial migrant justice group with leadership from members of migrant and/or racialized backgrounds. As a movement for self-determination, we challenge the racist ideology inherent to the War on Terror that is intrinsically linked to repressive immigration controls. This past week four men were arrested, three in Ottawa, as part of a 2-year investigation entitled “Project Samosa” (cultural sensitivity training seems to have missed the fact that not many Pakistanis and Indians actually like samosas). According to reports, Misbahuddin Ahmed, Hiva Alizadeh, and Dr. Khurram Syed Sher have been charged; a fourth person has been arrested but not yet charged; while three to four others are overseas suspects and co-conspirators.

The men must be presumed to be innocent, both in the court process and in public consciousness. Media sensationalism, government statements, and public commentaries have revealed that the men are being considered and treated as guilty terrorists. This is despite the fact that defence counsel Anser Farooq has said that he knows almost nothing about the specifics of the case and that the charges are vague.

In a press conference, law enforcement official Mr. Juneau-Katsuya articulated high-tech detective skills: “We’ve got red flags everywhere and you can trip one of those flags anytime. If you’re traveling to Pakistan, that’s a red flag…When you’ve got enough red flags, then you become a person of interest. My understanding is they were caught from the Internet.” Juneau-Katsuya also stated that one of the alleged targets was the Montreal transit system. However Isabelle Tremblay, a spokeswoman for the Montreal transit authority, said there have been “no threats, and no information regarding this claim. If something like that occurs, we’re informed. On this matter, there’s nothing.” In an extensive Globe and Mail interview Rizgar Alizadeh, Hiva’s older brother, described the allegations against both him and his brother as “a pack of lies” and said he was neither angry nor fearful because his “conscience is clear”.

The mainstream corporate media has played a crucial role in stirring public frenzy by uncritically parroting government rhetoric such as “homegrown terrorists” and “Jihad generation” and that the suspects were “inspired by Al Qaeda”, without providing any evidence to substantiate such a claim. Such stigmatizing statements will have a permanent damaging effect on the men and their families and their “guilt” will surely continue even if the charges are dropped or the men are acquitted.

Seven years ago in 2003, over twenty South Asian- predominantly Pakistani-Muslim men were arrested in Toronto in a sweep called “Operation Thread” for allegedly being an Al-Qaeda sleeper cell. None of the allegations were proven to be true and not one of the men was ever formally charged, let alone convicted. Yet most were deported and their lives destroyed by the unsubstantiated allegations linking them to terrorism. Four years ago, eighteen men and youth were arrested in the Toronto 18 terror plot. Seven subsequently had all charges dropped, while others were convicted or had to plead guilty under excruciating circumstances, including the pre-arrest existence of well-paid police informants pushing and heavily influencing activity amongst youth, and post-arrest the detainees having to endure conditions of isolation and segregation in high-security prisons for several years. These are reasons enough to remain vigilant. As Alex Neve, the secretary general of Amnesty International has said “the main lesson here is that there can easily be a great deal of hysteria. But there have been previous cases that have collapsed or proved not to be as advertised.”

Despite the fact that the men arrested are all residents and citizens of Canada, the questioning of their “Canadian-ness” reveals a shallow multiculturalism and reinforces the racialized national space. Stories about their Otherness abound: “the suspect with a full, long beard”, “there was nothing that seemed too out of the ordinary except neighbours noted the women wore a niqab or burqa”, or “she said the couple talked openly about their Muslim beliefs”. Profiling is a hateful double standard by which individual members of communities are judged and held responsible for acts or behaviours based on their culture, race, ethnicity, and/or religion. In contrast, white Christian middle-aged men aged 18-45 did not suffer the indignities of suspicion and stereotyping after the bombings of Oklahoma City. Their “ability to integrate” or their positioning within North American society was not challenged. In a media statement after the arrests, Public Safety Minister Vic Toews singled out immigrant communities to be ‘vigilant and to report any suspicious behaviour of homegrown extremism’. Of course he did not ask white people to be vigilant against the growing presence and extremism of white supremacists and neo-nazis who have brazenly been taking to the streets over the past few years.

These arrests will also provide further justification for the policing and security apparatus, which since 9/11, has already resulted in pervasive government and media censorship of information, the silencing of dissent, legislation granting intelligence and law enforcement agencies much broader powers of intrusion, and increasingly exclusionary and racist immigration policies. Over the year, $2 billion security budgets for the Olympics and G20 summit have led to increased law enforcement, coordinated operations of unprecedented mass arrests, and creeping surveillance technologies. Currently the Canadian government is strengthening the false association between migrants and terrorists in their dehumanizing treatment of 492 Tamil refugees, including women and children, who arrived to the coast and are all currently being incarcerated. [The Canadian Security and Intelligence Service] has recently revealed it is tracking more than 200 individuals in Canada with possible terrorist links.

The discourse of the War on Terror is rooted in a deliberately-cultivated fear and paranoia, which reduces our capacity to think and debate critically. In the past few years, Canada has re-invented itself as an aggressive and crusading Western imperialist power with an increasing presence of occupation forces in Afghanistan, while strengthening ties to the apartheid state of Israel. Meanwhile, Omar Khadr continues to languish in Guantanamo Bay, facing a military trial where evidence gained through torture is admissible. The historical and present reality is that Canadian state policies have been far from peaceful or benevolent. The foundational values of the Canadian state locally are self-evident through residential schools, the Komagatamaru incident, the Indian Act, Japanese-Canadian internment, forced sterilization, the Chinese Head-Tax, and countless other realities.

We commit ourselves to continuing to defend our communities against the demonization of being “The Enemy Within” that is justifying increasingly repressive and racist policies. We struggle for the elimination of all forms of oppressive violence waged against the peoples of the world, particularly the never-ending War on Terrorism which is bringing the greatest degree of terror and fear in the lives of the world’s majority. We place ourselves within the broader movement for global justice struggling against capitalism, homophobia, imperialism, occupation, patriarchy, poverty, racism and other forms of domination because we recognize that these are interconnected systems. We envision and actively strive for a humanity where everyone has the right to sustenance and the ability to provide it, where we are free of misery and exploitation, and are able to live meaningfully in relationship to one another and in reverence for Mother Earth that sustains us.

Image via NOW on pbs.org

An Attack on Democracy and Indigenous Freedom at the G20

Tuesday, August 31st, 2010

Published on Aug 26, 2010 in the First Nation’s Drum: Canada’s National Native Newspaper
By Danny Beaton, Mohawk
Photograph courtesy of Ben Powless, Mohawk

Police Car burns in downtown Toronto

As we walked out to catch the streetcar headed east on College Street, the rain was warm as it began to soak through our hair. On Saturday, June 26, 2010, we were going to join the protest of the G8 and G20 at the Legislation steps at Queens Park in Toronto, Ontario. The streetcar stopped near Grace Street, and my partner’s son’s drum teacher got on and sat in the seat in front of us. We exchanged greetings. Later in the day, we saw him drumming magnificently on his chrome snare drum belted across his chest as he and several dozen drummers and dancers celebrated the fifteen thousand concerned citizens, artists, teachers, mothers, fathers, even grandparents of all colours and backgrounds who had gathered to protest the many concerns we collectively inherited.

We stood on College Street watching the colours and banners of different groups, organizations, unions, and people all smiling and filling the air with positive energy with chants and slogans of justice. When I saw Greenpeace, I said to my wife, “Let’s join them,” as I have known some of their staff for many years. “No,” she said. “We will wait for the Council of Canadians, as they will remember us and they will have some Site 41 people there, maybe some farmers, too.” Sure enough, the Council began to walk by us, and we stepped in and shook hands with Don and Mary Jane and their two university children. We all exchanged hugs and began to chat as we walked down University Street, stopping now and then to wait for the crowd to catch up.

When we reached the American Embassy where the protest had stopped, hundreds of armed police in military combat stance stood in front of the embassy in all directions, staring at us with cold glaring eyes locked on us. We smiled in our now mindful experience of the military state we were entering. Military-style police stood on public benches, some wearing protective face masks, some with clubs and huge shields like an army ready to pounce, scare, beat, or confront an enemy. Many of these guards held what looked like shotguns, riot guns, assault weapons ready for a confrontation. I felt a negative force, and all I could say to them was, “What are you protecting?” I felt a monster present; that image in front of the US Embassy was something from a movie like Apocalypse Now. The entire protest, I am sure, was surprised at the size and array of goons in military style. My friends shook their heads in disbelief. We all exchanged comments regarding the police, and we all agreed this was uncanny for Toronto to have such a cold army of riot squads, like we were back in the days of Gandhi in India, boycotting the British rule.

The march continued south, and the image we saw as we passed the US Embassy that afternoon will remain etched in our minds, knowing what we are up against in our struggle for justice, freedom, and environmental protection. We continued down University Street with roughly 15,000 walking peacefully, calmly, now in a state of awkwardness, feeling like our message was being heard just by our sheer numbers. Everyone was positive. Many of us were carrying cameras, snapping away at the momentum and unity achieved by the organizers. The Spirit of Unity, Harmony, Justice, and Peace had been achieved.

Now we had started at Queens Park and traveled to Queen Street, where we were confronted with two rows of shoulder-to-shoulder riot police with shields and batons. They forced our peaceful walk from south to west where every street north and south was guarded by the same 2 rows of shoulder-to-shoulder riot police forcing our walk west, giving us a boxed-in feeling with the reality of being truly controlled by a goon squad.

This once trendy shopping district filled with tourists, Torontonians, street vendors, and citizens alive with zest, peace, and calm now appeared to be under marshal law, about to explode with danger, and the feeling of danger was everywhere. Being surrounded by a riot squad and goon force was no easy feeling as we were not ready for battle, nor were we prepared for a beating; we were peaceful protesters chanting and drumming for life. Just as we reached Spadina Street, a group of protesters turned around and headed east, followed by a hyper group of riot police running after them—this I believe was the beginning of the violence to come over the next three days.

Our city was now under siege; the monster was unleashed; the tear gas exploded. Billy clubs were stained in blood by angry police who came to Toronto for a confrontation. Several hundred innocent citizens beat to the ground by the riot squad, and for what? For who and why? The G20 and elite G8 were not in Toronto to discuss the most serious environmental disasters in the history of the earth (oil rupture by BP in the Gulf of Mexico) or the most serious environmental crisis (climate change or global warming enhanced by Canada’s tar sands). North American Native peoples have never been consulted by this elite of western political leaders about environmental issues in any serious strategic context regarding environmental protection or any forms of joint management of natural resources. Native peoples of North and South America and the indigenous peoples of the world demand the protection of Mother Earth for Seven Generations of Accountability for future generations to come.

The gathering of government leaders of the world in Toronto without the input of indigenous leaders was the first mistake Prime Minister Stephan Harper made to discredit any world debate on the solving of world problems. Realistically speaking, the G20 or G8s first priority or intention was never meant to solve environmental problems but was meant to keep the activity of material goods and consumption moving along so that the profits would continue, based on the exploitation of natural resources and development of indigenous territories without Native or Aboriginal consent. Now these political leaders have gone back to their own countries to try and keep their economy from collapsing—and the economy is a real issue, only there are even bigger issues. Real issues of environmental degradation have not been addressed. The fishermen by the Gulf of Mexico and so many others have lost their economy, but this was not a priority for western thinkers who gave the “go ahead” on deep sea oil drilling. The Tar Sands in Alberta are destroying rivers, lakes, streams, and Native homeland. Not to mention animals, birds, fish, the traditional Native diet, berries, plants, and medicines are contaminated, and for what? Profit. Contamination is now moving along to other communities.

We have to ask ourselves about what is more important: profit or water and sustenance. Economies should evolve around life, not death. We cannot let negative thinkers, businessmen, politicians hide with the police and army to protect them while they develop and destroy water and earth, because it belongs to our children and their children. Real problems like environmental protection need to be addressed now because soon there might be a dead ocean. Collecting the oil was not a first priority, and it created a far worse problem by dispersing toxic chemicals that have devastated the people’s homeland and life.

The people have a human right to defend Mother Earth and her blood and their children’s future because it is Our Way of Life—everything has a right to live, and Respect is the Law of the Land. This is the North American way of life and always has been, and it is the Natural Law of life with the natural world. Mother Earth can take care of us, but we have to take care of her, too. The police should never have used force on innocent protesters, artists, teachers, fathers, mothers, students who stood up for justice, unity, righteousness, and peace. Thank you for listening. All My Relations.

REPORTBACK: Stop Jailing and Deporting Refugees, Let them Stay!

Monday, August 30th, 2010

Published by NOII on August 25, 2010
Poster Image above by Meera Sethi “The image references a popular brand of matchbox in India

On Saturday August 21st, close to 250 people gathered at the Vancouver Art Gallery on Coast Salish Territories as part of a National Day of Action to demand the release of detained Tamil asylum seekers and an end to racist and restrictive refugee policies. The march opened with a traditional opening as Indigenous Elders welcomed the Tamil asylum seekers to their territories and condemned the government and Jason Kenney. Speakers underscored the history of racist exclusion in Canadian immigration policy, the daily violence of detentions and deportations justified under the guise of ‘criminality’ and ‘security threats’, the commodification of migrants as exploitable labour in order to be deemed worthy, and how the hollow rhetoric of multiculturalism and inclusion unravels every time a boat of migrants challenges the Canadian state and its fortified border.

Premrajah Chelliah, a Tamil community activist, also described the military atrocities of the Sri Lankan government including mass killings, abductions, arbitrary detentions, destruction of homes and infrastructure. His own family was forced into camps during the incursions of last year. He highlighted the diplomatic and economic ties between the Sri Lankan and Canadian government, making Canada complicit in the horrors ‘over there’.Several solidarity statements were shared during the rally, including by women who worked with the Fujiyan migrants in 1999; and powerful poetics were shared by Press Release Collective and these words by Wayde

Compton:
when jurisdiction cuts the earth to the bone,
the proper diction is the unspoken issue, and the flesh
of the people’s colour in the boats in the hull in the belly of a dream
without papers or definition, in quotations, “refugee,” a penstroke
from relief. languishing in the languaged exile of illegalese.

While some chose to heckle the march with the predictable ‘send them back’, many on-lookers joined the march and chanted “Justice for Immigrants, Freedom for Refugees” and “No One Is Illegal, Stop Deporting People” alongside hundreds of others. A highly vocal and defiant march was led by Indigenous drummers and a banner with 490 painted hearts reading “We Say Welcome”. Hundreds of leaflets dispelling myths about the migrants, attached to hand-crafted flowers, were passed out to downtown shoppers. The march ended at the Citizenship and Immigration Canada offices, near the Vancouver Public Library, a complex which also houses detention cells and where migrants and refugees are shackled and held every single day.

Those gathered vowed to continue being visible and agitating till all migrants were released from detention, till our communities were safe from deportations, till we put an end to racism and anti-migrant xenophobia, and till our daily lives were fully rooted in liberation, self-determination, and the land.

(Some mainstream media articles in the Vancouver Sun, News 1130, and CKNW linked here)

==> Actions also took place across the country, with Montreal organizing a forthcoming action this Thursday August 26th from noon to 2 pm in front of Immigration and Refugee Board offices, Complex Guy-Favreau, 200 Boul. René Levesque.

In UNSURRENDERED WET’SUWET’EN TERRITORY (near Smithers, interior of so-called British Columbia), Indigenous allies held information pickets throughout their territories including the tourist site of Moricetown Canyon. According to Mel Bazil of the Wet’suwet’en and Gitxsan nations and an Indigenous land defender resisting tar sands pipelines and tanker traffic on his territories: “We understand how the so-called First World and G8 countries dominate peoples from the Third World and Indigenous people all over. We know the consequences of racist and classist governments displacing our families and peoples from homelands. It is not up to the few wealthy and greedy populations to determine how the dehumanized and dispossessed populations will survive. We support the Tamil refugees and stand in solidarity with No One Is Illegal.”

In TORONTO, a 40 feet x 6 feet banner “Toronto Welcomes Tamil Migrants” was dropped over the Gardiner Expressway near Roncesvalles. “Kenney and Toews are using words like terrorists and human traffickers with absolutely no evidence” said Ryan Hayes of No One Is Illegal –Toronto. “They did the same thing when the refugee claimants arrived in October 2009, but had to accept that there was no truth to their assertions”. (Read a full Toronto report here)

In KITCHENER-WATERLOO, AW@L dropped a banner that read “Welcome Tamil Migrants” and demanded that the Tamil migrants who have arrived on the MV Sun Sea be immediately released from detention, that their rights be upheld, and that the racist criminalization of refugee claimants ceases immediately. Interview with Rachel Avery here.

In VICTORIA, nearly 100 people marched through downtown, blocking traffic on Government Road. “Say it loud, say it clear, refugees are welcome here,” the group chanted as cars were backed up nearly two-blocks into the downtown shopping core. The protesters decried the detention of 492 refugee claimants. “Today is about advocating for the rights of refugees to be treated with dignity and respect,” said Rose Henry from the Victoria Anti-Racism Network and is also an Indigenous and homeless rights activist.  Read news article “Supporters of Tamil Refugees Hold Downtown Protest in Victoria” here.

In OTTAWA Unceded Algonquin Territory, over 100 immigrants, Indigenous people and allies rallied outside the Citizenship and Immigration Canada offices. “From one community of resistance to another, we welcome you” said Pierre Beaulieu-Blais, an Anishnabe member of NOII-Ottawa to the enthusiastic crowd, “as people who have also lost our land and been displaced because of colonialism and racism, we say Open All The Borders! Status For All!” The crowd cheered for welcoming immigrants and refugees as people who are deserving of respect, dignity, and freedom of movement. As Jason Kenney, minister of Citizenship and Immigration, hid in his office under lock down and his spokesperson was lashing out at NOII, the crowd chanted “Jason Kenney Go Away – Tamil Migrants Here to Stay” and “No Borders, No Prisons – Stop the Deportations”. Families, students, Union representatives and other community members distributed hundreds of flyers to onlookers and people walking by, dispelling some of the myths about the Tamil migrants. Read a French news article here and article “Tamil supporters in Ottawa call for refugee ’status for all’ here.

Over the past two weeks, NOII and our allies have engaged in a campaign to raise awareness about refugee rights, to dispel myths about migrants, and to challenge the blatantly racist and dehumanizing stereotypes about the migrants. The only crime the migrants have committed is transgressing this imposed settler-colonial border. We have organized rallies, produced factsheets, encouraged creative resistance, talked to hundreds of our neighbours and community members, released media and community statements, signed petitions, and dropped banners. We will not stop until the Tamil asylum seekers, and all migrants, are released from detention immediately and welcomed to lives of dignity and respect.

Join us in our ongoing mobilizing to reject repressive, racist, and exclusionary ideologies and policies, and instead encourage compassion, solidarity, respect for life, and justice for all refugees. We strive and struggle for a world in which no one is forced to migrate against their will. We also strive and struggle for a world where people can move freely in order to live and flourish in justice and dignity. Justice, Freedom, and Status for All!

We encourage you to put up our series of posters available here “Terrorized not Terrorist”, ‘Let them Stay’ and ‘Anti Neo Nazi, Fight Racism. Sign the online petition here. Distribute a myths and realities factsheet. Take your own initiative; many other ways to support are outlined here.

==> RECENT COMMENTARIES:

UK Guardian: Populist politicians seized on Tamil refugees to ramp up anti-immigrant rhetoric:

Vancouver Sun: Public rage against Tamil refugees has a nasty, xenophobic odour by Stephen Hume

Media Co-op: A Brief History of Anti-Migrant Hysteria in Canada by Fathima Cader:

Vancouver Sun: Why we should welcome boatful of Tamil refugees into Canada by Harsha Walia

Rabble: Reaction to the Tamil boat and Curious comparisons by Seth Klein

For PHOTOS from across the country (courtesy NOII groups, VMC, AW@L): http://www.flickr.com/photos/nooneisillegal/