Archive for the ‘Indigenous Rights’ Category

National Week of Action on Education in Ottawa – First Nations are rallying for better education

Wednesday, September 22nd, 2010

OTTAWA, Sept. 20 /CNW Telbec/ – Several First Nations of Quebec under the leadership of their Chiefs are taking part in the National Week of Action on Education to denounce the shocking attitude of the federal government regarding the education of First Nations. “By maintaining a system based on colonial tenets, the Conservative government is keeping our children and our communities in an unfair situation. This is a shame for the Canadian society”, declared Ghislain Picard, Chief of the Assembly of First Nations of Québec and Labrador (AFNQL).

Chief Picard and other Chiefs from Quebec, Ontario and other regions of Canada undertook a week of action to denounce the discrimination suffered by First Nations children in education. This discrimination speaks for itself regarding the underfunding of First Nations schools at the elementary and secondary level. The Chiefs also denounce the impending threat of the federal government to terminate the Post-Secondary Student Support Program. In Quebec, students and parents from First Nations communities will be undertaking actions, such as sending letters to the federal government, holding awareness raising activities, distributing flyers, and dispatching regional press releases. The main event is a walk from the community of Kitigan Zibi to Parliament Hill in Ottawa, in view of making the federal government react and grant the attention necessary to the important issue of First Nations education. A great national gathering of First Nations organizations and communities is also scheduled to conclude the National Week of Action on Education on September 23rd, on Parliament Hill.

On September 21st, the Chiefs will be present at the Parliament to meet with parliamentarians, senators and members of the political scene to present their vision of education and discuss the stakes and issues regarding the future of First Nations education. “The time has come to go beyond The Indian Act and build a new relationship with Canada. A relationship built on mutual respect instead of colonialism”, stated Chief Picard.

Other initiatives will be held across the country in addition to the activities scheduled in Ottawa and within the First Nations communities of Quebec.

Underfunded schools

“Our schools are striving to survive with an obsolete funding formula that hasn’t been revised since the last twenty years. This is simply unacceptable and intolerable”, indicated Lise Bastien, Director General of the First Nations Education Council (FNEC).

Developed in 1988, the federal formula for First Nations education is highly discriminatory as it allows for a considerable gap in funding when compared to the much higher funding received by Quebecer schools from their provincial government. The federal formula ignores the following costs:

  • Costs relating to the integration of technology in the schools.
  • Costs relating to school libraries.
  • Costs relating to vocational training.
  • Costs relating to the sports and recreation.
  • Costs relating to keep pace with provincial reforms, with considerable impact on the curriculum, teaching hours and support measures, such as homework help.

What is more to it, the funding of First Nations schools has not been indexed since 1996.

Contrarily to the provinces which have been investing since several years in modern systems for their schools, the federal government disregards this crucial need for the First Nations schools under its fiduciary responsibility. This does not prevent the government from accusing First Nations of withholding data, even though they are deprived of the tools to obtain the requested data. “By denying First Nations the means and access to quality education, the government of Canada is fully aware that it is closing the doors to their future”, added Lise Bastien.

Threats to abolish Post-secondary financial support
The federal government recently announced its intention to terminate the Post-Secondary Student Support Program. This support is crucial for the First Nations youth to undertake collegial and university studies and thereby increase their socioeconomic conditions and that of their families. “This threat is clearly based on ideological doctrines instead of common sense and good judgement”, pointed out Lise Bastien.

For further information:

SOURCE: Éric Cardinal
Communication consultant
(450) 638-5159
Cellphone: (514) 258-2315
INFORMATION: Lise Bastien
Director of the FNEC
(418) 842-7672

An Indian Summer for the Tar Sands

Monday, September 20th, 2010
By Ben Powless, rabble.ca, September 13, 2010
Wet'suwet'en Nation protest against Enbridge pipelines in May, 2010. Photo: Ben Powless

It has been an abnormally hot summer. Climate change has been breaking record temperatures, and even oil companies haven’t been able to beat the heat.

From British Colombia to Quebec, the United States to the United Kingdom, a movement is ever expanding to hold oil companies and oily politicians’ feet to the fire and stop the association of tar sands with runaway and rampant destruction.

Earlier this year, far away from the prying eyes of the media, government offices, or corporate headquarters, in the middle of mosquito country, members of the Wer’suwet’en First Nation in British Colombia established a camp. Their territory lies along the path of proposed pipelines which Enbridge (and a number of other oil companies) want to build to pipe crude oil to Kitimat, where it could be loaded onto tankers and shipped across the ocean.

The camp was a physical and cultural rejection of that plan, set up in May to allow one of the hereditary chiefs to permanently reside there. To inaugurate the camp, the Nation held a five-day gathering, inviting members of nearby communities, the Indigenous Environmental Network, the Council of Canadians, and other allied groups and individuals to come connect with the land, and to share strategies and tactics to protect it.

Incidentally, a number of participants, including this author, got much closer to the land than expected, when a traditional war canoe capsized going down the river, and many of us spent the cold night outdoors before meeting up with a search-and-rescue team the next morning. On the bright side, this helped us become a lot closer, and deepened our respect for the land and waters.

As Mel Bazil, of the Lhe Lin Lïyin community group behind organizing the camp explains, “The Action Camp was devised to draw in more of our clans’ membership to learn of peaceful means to protect their lands and waters, and to unite nations in their opposition to the tar sands giga-project. Last year, we issued Enbridge a warning they were trespassing on our territory. At this year’s camp, we issued them a Feather Warning, which traditionally meant they could be killed if they came back onto the land. We are ready and willing to do whatever it takes to keep our lands and waters healthy for our descendents yet to come.”

The camp was followed with a rally in nearby Smithers, where many people supported the First Nation’s opposition to the proposed pipeline. Over a month later, hundreds rallied in Prince George and Vancouver, opposing Enbridge’s application to the Joint Panel Review process meant to allow or deny their permit.

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The same day, in Ottawa, a crowd gathered in front of Parliament Hill on the arrival of Democratic House Speaker Nancy Pelosi from the U.S., who was to meet with tar sands promoting politicians and executives. The crowd called for her to reject the proposed Keystone pipeline and tar sands expansion generally.

In August, many Wet’suwet’en community members later made the long trip to Fort McMurray, ground zero of tar sands expansion, for the first-ever Healing Walk held there. The event was also the first of its kind in Fort McMurray to oppose tar sands development, a significant point in the history of this movement. Over 150 people took part in the 13-km trek through the heart of Canada’s largest industrial experiment, calling for healing of the land, water, skies, and animals.

Many who spoke highlighted the impacts that the tar sands have had in polluting the region, including a loss of wildlife and severe health impacts in the communities near the developments. They also brought up the need to have their communities speak up and be heard.

George Poitras, a former chief of the Mikisew Cree First Nation was quoted as saying, “We have lived here for thousands of years. We rely on the land — our lives are intrinsically linked to the land. We are one and the same. It is very frustrating to see the unprecedented pace of development with little to no consideration of the land, as we call it, our mother earth — it gives us life.”

Further east, a large delegation from tar sands impacted communities made their way to protests at the G20 in Toronto, where they were prominent speakers on the day of action for environmental justice. Other community members were featured participants at the Detroit-based U.S. Social Forum, where over 30,000 social movement leaders gathered.

In August, hundreds of activists established a 16-day Climate Camp just outside Montreal, in the community of Dunham. One of the organizers, Cam Fenton, explains that, “The camp was set up to support and expand local resistance against the construction of a pumping station in Montreal. At the camp we also started a pledge of resistance campaign, which is a community oriented pledge to engage in direct action to shut down the construction of this project should it ever be built.” The town’s mayor came and spoke out against the pumping station, a key infrastructure piece in the Trailbreaker pipeline to bring tar sands oil to the eastern seaboard in Maine.

About the same time, two young women from northern B.C. made the trip to the U.K. Climate Camp, where hundreds of activists gathered outside the headquarters of the Royal Bank of Scotland, targeting it as one of the main financiers of tar sands companies like BP.

Expressing solidarity and support for the efforts of First Nations and others in Canada, the activists were successful in blocking work at the headquarters and another administrative office that day. The action and camp represents a growing sentiment in the U.K. and other parts of Europe that this single project is the most environmentally damaging project on the planet.

A short month later, another Climate Camp was established at the same time as the World Energy Congress came to Montreal, an event that takes place every three years. The tar sands again were the central target in actions outside the Congress’ doors.

One of the most surprising effects of all this ramped-up resistance? The oil companies have noticed, and they’re scared. In fact, some of the leading opposition comes not just from grassroots towns and cities in the United States, but all the ways to the offices of a number of congressmen and congresswomen.

Last year, the president of the Canadian Association of Oil Producers announced that it was too risky to depend solely on the U.S. as the main buyer, since American environmental laws are in many respects more progressive than Canadian laws. This is the main impetus behind the search for new markets, and the rush to build new pipelines to get the oil to Asia. The protests are working.

This year, TransCanada Pipelines is trying to push through a pipeline from Alberta to Texas, but needs federal U.S. approval. They’ve already pissed off Nebraska landowners and politicians by threatening to absorb their land under eminent domain if they didn’t sell it. Farmers, rural residents and Native communities have led much of the opposition to the pipelines going through their lands. Another setback came from the Environmental Protection Agency called for more time to review the application, an implicit acknowledgement of the environmental risks and damages. Clayton Thomas-Muller of the Indigenous Environmental Network has noticed a real rise in opposition to the tar sands recently, and not just in North America. “What we’re really seeing is the escalation of opposition, with mass movements and mass protests, by those who understand we have to stop this right here, right now. Because if we don’t, it’s only going to spread across the planet. If you think Natives have it bad in Canada, just imagine what it’ll be like for Natives of the Congo, Madagascar, Siberia, or the Amazon, all places where tar sands have been found, and who will be looking to Canada for lessons.”

About the expanding opposition to the tar sands, Bazil comments, “We’re really happy to see the growing expansion from cities and communities around the world. We are especially grateful for all the strong shows of solidarity we have received from people as far away as Toronto, Quebec, the U.S. and Europe. Even James Cameron!” — referring to an upcoming visit planned by the Avatar director to the region, to see a live version of “Pandora” for himself.

Fenton agrees, and sees the future of environmental work in Canada in “supporting struggles by communities directly impacted by these kind of projects, localizing the resistance, while steadily targeting the heart of the tar sands infrastructure in Alberta.”

Future “Climate Camps” are already planned for Ottawa and Edmonton. What started out as a hot summer for the future of the tar sands might only be heating up.

Photos from the Healing Walk can be seen here.

Photos from the Wet’suwet’en Action Camp can be seen here.

Photos from the Parliament Hill Nancy Pelosi Action can be seen here.

Photos from the Quebec Climate Camp can be seen here.

Photos from the G20 Environmental Justice Day can be seen here.

Ben Powless is a Mohawk from Six Nations in Ontario, and is currently studying Human Rights Indigenous and Environmental Studies at Carleton University in Ottawa. He has been involved with the Canadian Youth Climate Coalition, the Indigenous Environmental Network, sits on the board of the National Council for the Canadian Environmental Network, and is on the Youth Advisory Group to the Canadian Commission for UNESCO. Powless also blogs for rabble.ca.

An Attack on Democracy and Indigenous Freedom at the G20

Tuesday, August 31st, 2010

Published on Aug 26, 2010 in the First Nation’s Drum: Canada’s National Native Newspaper
By Danny Beaton, Mohawk
Photograph courtesy of Ben Powless, Mohawk

Police Car burns in downtown Toronto

As we walked out to catch the streetcar headed east on College Street, the rain was warm as it began to soak through our hair. On Saturday, June 26, 2010, we were going to join the protest of the G8 and G20 at the Legislation steps at Queens Park in Toronto, Ontario. The streetcar stopped near Grace Street, and my partner’s son’s drum teacher got on and sat in the seat in front of us. We exchanged greetings. Later in the day, we saw him drumming magnificently on his chrome snare drum belted across his chest as he and several dozen drummers and dancers celebrated the fifteen thousand concerned citizens, artists, teachers, mothers, fathers, even grandparents of all colours and backgrounds who had gathered to protest the many concerns we collectively inherited.

We stood on College Street watching the colours and banners of different groups, organizations, unions, and people all smiling and filling the air with positive energy with chants and slogans of justice. When I saw Greenpeace, I said to my wife, “Let’s join them,” as I have known some of their staff for many years. “No,” she said. “We will wait for the Council of Canadians, as they will remember us and they will have some Site 41 people there, maybe some farmers, too.” Sure enough, the Council began to walk by us, and we stepped in and shook hands with Don and Mary Jane and their two university children. We all exchanged hugs and began to chat as we walked down University Street, stopping now and then to wait for the crowd to catch up.

When we reached the American Embassy where the protest had stopped, hundreds of armed police in military combat stance stood in front of the embassy in all directions, staring at us with cold glaring eyes locked on us. We smiled in our now mindful experience of the military state we were entering. Military-style police stood on public benches, some wearing protective face masks, some with clubs and huge shields like an army ready to pounce, scare, beat, or confront an enemy. Many of these guards held what looked like shotguns, riot guns, assault weapons ready for a confrontation. I felt a negative force, and all I could say to them was, “What are you protecting?” I felt a monster present; that image in front of the US Embassy was something from a movie like Apocalypse Now. The entire protest, I am sure, was surprised at the size and array of goons in military style. My friends shook their heads in disbelief. We all exchanged comments regarding the police, and we all agreed this was uncanny for Toronto to have such a cold army of riot squads, like we were back in the days of Gandhi in India, boycotting the British rule.

The march continued south, and the image we saw as we passed the US Embassy that afternoon will remain etched in our minds, knowing what we are up against in our struggle for justice, freedom, and environmental protection. We continued down University Street with roughly 15,000 walking peacefully, calmly, now in a state of awkwardness, feeling like our message was being heard just by our sheer numbers. Everyone was positive. Many of us were carrying cameras, snapping away at the momentum and unity achieved by the organizers. The Spirit of Unity, Harmony, Justice, and Peace had been achieved.

Now we had started at Queens Park and traveled to Queen Street, where we were confronted with two rows of shoulder-to-shoulder riot police with shields and batons. They forced our peaceful walk from south to west where every street north and south was guarded by the same 2 rows of shoulder-to-shoulder riot police forcing our walk west, giving us a boxed-in feeling with the reality of being truly controlled by a goon squad.

This once trendy shopping district filled with tourists, Torontonians, street vendors, and citizens alive with zest, peace, and calm now appeared to be under marshal law, about to explode with danger, and the feeling of danger was everywhere. Being surrounded by a riot squad and goon force was no easy feeling as we were not ready for battle, nor were we prepared for a beating; we were peaceful protesters chanting and drumming for life. Just as we reached Spadina Street, a group of protesters turned around and headed east, followed by a hyper group of riot police running after them—this I believe was the beginning of the violence to come over the next three days.

Our city was now under siege; the monster was unleashed; the tear gas exploded. Billy clubs were stained in blood by angry police who came to Toronto for a confrontation. Several hundred innocent citizens beat to the ground by the riot squad, and for what? For who and why? The G20 and elite G8 were not in Toronto to discuss the most serious environmental disasters in the history of the earth (oil rupture by BP in the Gulf of Mexico) or the most serious environmental crisis (climate change or global warming enhanced by Canada’s tar sands). North American Native peoples have never been consulted by this elite of western political leaders about environmental issues in any serious strategic context regarding environmental protection or any forms of joint management of natural resources. Native peoples of North and South America and the indigenous peoples of the world demand the protection of Mother Earth for Seven Generations of Accountability for future generations to come.

The gathering of government leaders of the world in Toronto without the input of indigenous leaders was the first mistake Prime Minister Stephan Harper made to discredit any world debate on the solving of world problems. Realistically speaking, the G20 or G8s first priority or intention was never meant to solve environmental problems but was meant to keep the activity of material goods and consumption moving along so that the profits would continue, based on the exploitation of natural resources and development of indigenous territories without Native or Aboriginal consent. Now these political leaders have gone back to their own countries to try and keep their economy from collapsing—and the economy is a real issue, only there are even bigger issues. Real issues of environmental degradation have not been addressed. The fishermen by the Gulf of Mexico and so many others have lost their economy, but this was not a priority for western thinkers who gave the “go ahead” on deep sea oil drilling. The Tar Sands in Alberta are destroying rivers, lakes, streams, and Native homeland. Not to mention animals, birds, fish, the traditional Native diet, berries, plants, and medicines are contaminated, and for what? Profit. Contamination is now moving along to other communities.

We have to ask ourselves about what is more important: profit or water and sustenance. Economies should evolve around life, not death. We cannot let negative thinkers, businessmen, politicians hide with the police and army to protect them while they develop and destroy water and earth, because it belongs to our children and their children. Real problems like environmental protection need to be addressed now because soon there might be a dead ocean. Collecting the oil was not a first priority, and it created a far worse problem by dispersing toxic chemicals that have devastated the people’s homeland and life.

The people have a human right to defend Mother Earth and her blood and their children’s future because it is Our Way of Life—everything has a right to live, and Respect is the Law of the Land. This is the North American way of life and always has been, and it is the Natural Law of life with the natural world. Mother Earth can take care of us, but we have to take care of her, too. The police should never have used force on innocent protesters, artists, teachers, fathers, mothers, students who stood up for justice, unity, righteousness, and peace. Thank you for listening. All My Relations.

G8/G20 Communique: Apologies and accountability are two separate things

Monday, August 23rd, 2010

An article by Krystalline Kraus.
Originally published on rabble.ca
on August 21, 2010

Thursday June 24, 2010 was the G20 medicine walk for Indigenous rights. From the Defenders of the Land call out, “When the G8/G20 comes to Canada in June let’s tell the world the real story about Canada’s record on Indigenous rights: a continued policy that aims to terminate Indian Peoples by removing our land and resource base and denying us the right to self-determination, under the power of the Indian Act and the Department of Indian Affairs.”

Thousands of people from First Nations and their supporters marched, sang, drummed and offered tobacco through the streets of Toronto to remind both Canadian citizens and the Canadian government alike that attention must be paid to the issues facing their people.

Through the Canadian government, there have been apologies, but little action.

In the lead up to the June 24 medicine walk, I wrote:

With all the government’s attempts to make Canada look perfect in the world’s eyes this weekend, and with activists pointing fingers at global governments and economies, we must be truthful regarding our own record of human rights.

This kind of accountability must be important to any activist who wants to be the change they want to see.

How we treat ourselves and each other as brothers and sisters on the land we are blessed to be able to share is what will give our hearts courage.

Because it takes courage to confront the truth: Canada likes to play coy on the world stage and present itself as a world example but our “glowing hearts” cannot shine bright and true until we have the integrity to face our own shadows here on Mother Earth on the land we call Canada; and Canada’s dirty big secret is our treatment of First Nations communities.

An apology without accountability and action towards change is meaningless.

But like I said, there have been apologies……

*

On Wednesday August 18, 2010, the Federal government issued a formal apology for the Inuit High Arctic relocation program which saw 87 Inuit relocated about 1,200 kilometres to Canada’s most northerly settlements. The Inuit from Inukjuak, a community in northern Quebec, were moved to Grise Fiord and Resolute, in what is now the territory of Nunavut, in 1953 and 1956. Another three families from Pond Inlet, Nunavut, were also moved north to help the Inukjuaq families adjust to their new environment.

On behalf of the Canadian government, Indian and Northern Affairs Minister John Duncan said the government regrets the “mistakes and broken promises” in the transplanting of Inuit families — “High Arctic Exiles” — to unfamiliar and harsh Northern territory.

Due to poor planning, the relocated families spent their first winter in tents with not enough food and supplies. Critics argue that the Inuit were moved as a measure to assist the government in asserting Canada’s sovereignty in the Arctic during the Cold War.

In his August 18 speech in Inukjuak, Nunavik, Duncan said:

On behalf of the Government of Canada and all Canadians, we would like to offer a full and sincere apology to Inuit for the relocation of families from Inukjuak and Pond Inlet to Grise Fiord and Resolute Bay during the 1950s.

We would like to express our deepest sorrow for the extreme hardship and suffering caused by the relocation. The families were separated from their home communities and extended families by more than a thousand kilometres. They were not provided with adequate shelter and supplies. They were not properly informed of how far away and how different from Inukjuak their new homes would be, and they were not aware that they would be separated into two communities once they arrived in the High Arctic. Moreover, the Government failed to act on its promise to return anyone that did not wish to stay in the High Arctic to their old homes.

The Government of Canada deeply regrets the mistakes and broken promises of this dark chapter of our history and apologizes for the High Arctic relocation having taken place. We would like to pay tribute to the relocatees for their perseverance and courage.

Despite the suffering and hardship, the relocatees and their descendants were successful in building vibrant communities in Grise Fiord and Resolute Bay. The Government of Canada recognizes that these communities have contributed to a strong Canadian presence in the High Arctic.

The relocation of Inuit families to the High Arctic is a tragic chapter in Canada’s history that we should not forget, but that we must acknowledge, learn from and teach our children. Acknowledging our shared history allows us to move forward in partnership and in a spirit of reconciliation.

The Government of Canada and Inuit have accomplished many great things together, and all Canadians have benefitted from the contributions of Inuit to our culture and history. We must continue to strengthen our connections and deepen our understanding and respect. We must jointly build a stronger, healthier and more vibrant Inuit Nunangat and, in turn, build a stronger, healthier and more vibrant Canada.

The Government of Canada hopes that this apology will help heal the wounds caused by events that began nearly 60 years ago and turn the page on this sad chapter in Canada’s history. May it strengthen the foundation upon which the Government of Canada and Inuit can build and help keep the True North Strong and Free.

*

This government apology follows the Canadian government apology — delivered by Stephen Harper — on Wednesday June 11, 2010 for the government’s role in Indian residential schools.

In the House of Commons, he delivered a speech saying “we are sorry” and said,

Today, we recognize that this policy of assimilation was wrong, has caused great harm, and has no place in our country…The government now recognizes that the consequences of the Indian residential schools policy were profoundly negative and that this policy has had a lasting and damaging impact on aboriginal culture, heritage and language.

While some former students have spoken positively about their experiences at residential schools, these stories are far overshadowed by tragic accounts of the emotional, physical and sexual abuse and neglect of helpless children, and their separation from powerless families and communities.

The legacy of Indian residential schools has contributed to social problems that continue to exist in many communities today. It has taken extraordinary courage for the thousands of survivors that have come forward to speak publicly about the abuse they suffered.

He continued, The government recognizes that the absence of an apology has been an impediment to healing and reconciliation.

Therefore, on behalf of the government of Canada and all Canadians, I stand before you, in this chamber so central to our life as a country, to apologize to aboriginal peoples for Canada’s role in the Indian residential schools system.

To the approximately 80,000 living former students, and all family members and communities, the government of Canada now recognizes that it was wrong to forcibly remove children from their homes and we apologize for having done this.

We now recognize that it was wrong to separate children from rich and vibrant cultures and traditions, that it created a void in many lives and communities, and we apologize for having done this.

We now recognize that, in separating children from their families, we undermined the ability of many to adequately parent their own children and sowed the seeds for generations to follow, and we apologize for having done this.

We now recognize that, far too often, these institutions gave rise to abuse or neglect and were inadequately controlled, and we apologize for failing to protect you.

*

On Saturday June 12, 2010, Federal Indian Affairs Minister Chuck Strahl accepted a “charter of forgiveness” from members of the aboriginal community as part of the healing process for survivors of Canada’s residential schools.

The charter, stems from Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s apology two years ago for previous government policies of assimilation. Standing in the House of Commons, Harper apologized on behalf of the government and asked for “forgiveness of the Aboriginal Peoples of this country for failing them so profoundly.”

Harper’s apology also triggered the Indian Residential Schools Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

Jessica Yee, in her June 2, 2008 rabble.ca column Residential schools: Sorry excuse for an apology writes,

While it is good to see the government showing some sort of accountability to the extreme genocide they have inflicted on Aboriginal peoples, I have to wonder if Harper even really knows what he’s apologizing for.

Because his government has, so far:

–Refused to sign the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, making Canada an international human rights laughing stock.

–Cut the Status of Women, which included major funding losses for the Sisters in Spirit Initiative that advocated for victims of violence at the Native Women’s Association of Canada, their largest contribution agreement.

–Thrown out the Kelowna Accord, which, say what you will about it, was the first time the government actually asked Aboriginal people to be at the same table and collectively make decisions for ourselves.

–Done nothing to help our people protect our own land and has silently watched our leaders be thrown in jail, from the KI Six in Northern Ontario to Mohawk territory to the tar sands in Alberta, etc. Twenty per cent of inmates in Canada are Aboriginal, while we only make up roughly three per cent of the population.

*

The Federal government has also announced in its 2010 Federal budget cuts to the Aboriginal Healing Foundation which affects 134 community projects across the country providing cultural healing services to Aboriginal people through projects that address the intergenerational impacts of the Canadian Indian Residential School System.

On March 29, 2010, six women staged a sit-in outside the Ottawa office of Indian and Northern Affairs Minister Chuck Strahl, protesting the funding cuts and the hypocrisy of a government that apologizes for the residential schools and then within two years withdraws funding for healing programs.

*

Regarding the issue of residential schools, the Québec Native Women’s Association has called upon the Canadian government to acknowledge that residential schools were an act of genocide.

Quote: the Canadian Government must acknowledge that Residential School was an act of genocide; a crime against humanity. Apologies may be recognized but they are not necessarily accompanied by forgiveness as no nation or groups have ever been forgiven for their acts of genocide.

In order for this apology to be considered genuine, more efforts must be undertaken to correct current oppressive measures under the Indian Act that prevent Indigenous peoples from prospering socially, culturally, politically and economically.

*

Sometimes, an apology isn’t enough.

Bloody Oil: BP invests in Alberta Tar Sands

Tuesday, August 17th, 2010

Global corporate elites come together to make decisions that significantly and negatively affect the health and livelihood of local communities, and contribute heavily to environmental degradation, pollution and climate change. The video demonstrates the functioning of corporate globalization, industrial environmental destruction and the abuse of Indigenous rights, all of which were protested at the G20 in Toronto. It also features the work and struggles of community members and activists working everyday against these encroaching powers.

This video was posted by youandifilms on April 19, 2010.

George Poitras, member of Mikisew Cree indigenous First Nation talks about the issues of pollution and cancers suffered by many of the First Nations people as a result of the Oil companies action extractive industries.

At a BP shareholder’s meeting a resolution about BPs involvement in tar sands production was discussed and put to the vote at the oil majors AGM. Results presented by BP at the meeting show that almost 15% of voters either supported the resolution or abstained despite the boards recommendation to reject it. This is a significant expression of concern about the company’s decision to invest in new tar sands projects.

For more information visit the Indigenous Environmental Network, Canadian Indigenous Tar Sands Campaign

Remembering the Indigenous Activists Protests at G8/G20 Meetings in Toronto

Monday, August 16th, 2010

Indigenous groups  held a demonstration to protest the G8 and G20 meetings. Franklin López and Dawn Paley of the Vancouver Media Co-op file a report for Democracy Now! from the streets of Toronto on June 24th, The Indigenous Day of Action.

Indigenous rights activist re-arrested on G20 related charges

Monday, August 9th, 2010

This article by Justin Saunders appears in Toronto Media Co-op on August 5, 2010.

More than a month after the fact, police continue to hunt activists who attended demonstrations against the G20 summit in Toronto. Earlier today another community organizer was taken into custody in Southwestern Ontario.

In collaboration with Waterloo Regional Police, officers from the Toronto Force arrested Indigenous Rights advocate Ryan Rainville on charges of mischief over $5000 and assault police. They appeared at the house in Waterloo where Rainville had been staying since being released from custody on other G20 related charges.

During his arrest Rainville asked about the nature of the allegations – stating that he had never assaulted an officer in his life – and was told by plainclothes officers that ‘he (did not use) a conventional weapon.’

Friends of Rainville describe him as a ‘deeply thoughtful..and committed advocate for the rights of First Nations People’ and ‘a very caring individual’. Members of the Toronto Community Mobilization Network decried the arrest, stating that it is ‘part of a continuing attempt to intimidate community organizers’.

Police took Rainville to 52 Division in Toronto and stated that he will appear in room 206-F at the 2201 Finch St courthouse at 2pm this afternoon.

Photo credit: Brendan Kennedy, Toronto Star, April 7, 2010.

Leah Henderson and the G20 arrests: A study in the criminalization of dissent

Monday, August 9th, 2010

“While this article is about Henderson’s current circumstances, the story isn’t really about her. She knows how her incarceration fits into a larger strategy of oppression, reflective in the fact that hundreds of Indigenous activists have been criminalized over the years for simply protecting the land…A government that can spend billions of dollars to terrorize people in Afghanistan and within its own borders reminds us that we should not be so smug about our assumed civil liberties, as was revealed through the police’s conduct on the streets during the demonstrations.”

An article by Krystalline Kraus. Appeared on rabble.ca on Aug 9, 2010

It would be nice — polite — to consider the aftermath of the G20 Summit protests as simply a harmless endnote to a hard-won political victory, an epilogue filled with a counter-balanced peace to the previous frenetic resistance on the streets.

But a government that actively engaged in a pre-emptive campaign against activists has not stopped. A government bent on control can be active in its intervention into activism just as surely as it can be inactive in addressing the critical issue of climate change before, during, and after the G20 Summit.

The criminalization of dissent

But let us talk about government action, especially concerning the treatment of those whom the government alleges are community organizers involved in local struggles which joined together to confront the G20. Before the actual G20 Summit manifested in Toronto — more than a year in terms of the resources invested, in fact — the government/police had infiltrated numerous activists groups during a 14-month investigation and were reportedly monitoring internet chatter and social media.

Leah Henderson, Alex Hundert, Amanda (Mandy) Hiscocks and Peter Hopperton were arrested in Toronto early on Saturday, June 26, 2010, and are all accused of having organizing roles in the G20 protests that caused thousands of dollars worth of damage over the G20 weekend in Toronto. They are being considered by the Crown as members of the Southern Ontario Anarchist Resistance (SOAR).

This alleged organizing role — the alleged ability to order other activists and groups at their whim — has led the Crown to charge the defendants with conspiracy to commit mischief, obstruct justice and assault police, even though they were in jail during the protests. They have been portrayed in the media as many things, from fearless leaders to masters of mayhem, despite the fact that a little background research would lead any reporter to realize that anarchists don’t believe in such a hierarchy of leadership.

While this article is about Henderson’s current circumstances, the story isn’t really about her. She is keenly aware of the daily actions of the police, backed by the government, against marginalized communities as she has worked in solidarity with Indigenous communities across Ontario for years, from Grassy Narrows to Six Nations. She knows how her incarceration fits into a larger strategy of oppression, reflective in the fact that hundreds of Indigenous activists have been criminalized over the years for simply protecting the land.

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The G20 Summit protests

There were various levels of paranoia within activist camps regarding CSIS and the Integrated Security Unit (ISU) before the summit began and a sort of wait-and-see strategy. Large groups and small affinities alike discussed strategy and possible outcomes, like a boxer carefully taping up his hands before a fight. Each activists has his or her own ritual the night before the day of action. Some drink. Some pray. Some go to bed early. Some make love. For activists are human, after all.

There are no heroes. Only people putting themselves on the line for what they believe in. These big spectacle protests are simply a microcosm of the every-day struggles they engage in to defend their communities and the land.

And the government, with its billion-dollar security apparatus, was ready.

Early morning on June 26, 2010, the government launched a pre-emptive strike by arresting dozens of activists under the cover of darkness.

In Toronto, most of the vandalism occurred latter the same day, during the late afternoon and evening. I want to state this fact clearly. All things considered, the demonstrations during the week and even on Friday, June 25, had been peaceful and growing in strength.

The following is an account from the perspective of Leah Henderson, currently under complex and restrictive bail conditions.

On 4:55 a.m. on Saturday morning, June 26, 2010, Henderson, Hundert and Hiscocks were heading to bed at Henderson and Hundert’s house when the police burst into their home with guns drawn.

Henderson was in bed in a room at the back of the house, not asleep but drifting off. Police officers broke down the front door, shouting “POLICE, DON’T MOVE !” All Henderson heard were the words: “Don’t move!” She didn’t.

Then the police came rushing in with their guns pointed at her and handcuffed her, leaving her sitting on the bed. Henderson asked whether she could pull on some pants before she was taken away. The police allowed her request.

The human impulse to compare life with TV is funny, really, as if an event can be too real to be real and therefore has to be fiction. The thought of the police breaking down someone’s door and dragging them out of bed at gunpoint is probably too surreal for most Canadians to contemplate, though it does hint to a greater lesson in solidarity with activists facing repressive regimes across the globe.

But for Canadians, this could have been any cop-drama TV show where the good guys burst in on the bad guys and yell at everyone to kiss the carpet. That’s good 10:00 p.m., prime-time drama. But it was real. It was terror.

Just imagine yourself in that situation. Stop and imagine. I could only hope that I could have the composure and dignity to ask for a pair of pants before they took me away.

That’s the truth in the police tactic of waiting until the dark of night to grab activists in the isolation of their own homes, taking advantage of a 4:55 a.m. state of disorientation. It was a physical message, a way to instill fear into the activist community so others would not rise up from the community to take their place.

Henderson, Hundert and Hiscocks were taken to the now infamous Eastern Avenue Detention Centre, where hundreds of activists were later held, but saw the inside of the facility before it would reach maximum capacity, its huge interior like the inside of a whale. Leah described a very systematic procedure of moving them from cage to cage to cage, before being taken to 2201 Finch Avenue Court on Saturday afternoon.

The Metro West Etobicoke Courthouse at 2201 Finch Avenue is the anti-terrorism courthouse constructed in 2007, and I know the government can say it was necessary to take G20 defendants to that location since it could then claim it could have, in the realm of all possibility, arrested an al-Qaeda operative. But the optics definitely work to the advantage of the police who have been equating activism with terrorism well before the emergence of the Fighting for Freedom Coalition (FFFC) Ottawa.

The police were out hunting, after all. Despite CSIS’s admission that the international terrorist threat potential during the G20 Summit was low, the Canadian government was skittish after the Vancouver Olympic Games, and prepared to rework the definition of terrorism to turn the focus inwards, turning the police on its own people. Again, macrocosms and microcosms. A government that can spend billions of dollars to terrorize people in Afghanistan and within its own borders reminds us that we should not be so smug about our assumed civil liberties, as was revealed through the police’s conduct on the streets during the demonstrations.

After being held for more than three weeks, Henderson and Hundert were eventually released on July 19, 2010; both on separate bail and sureties totaling $140,000. Amanda “Mandy” Hiscocks spent more than a month incarcerated before being released on July 27, 2010 on $140,000 bail and sureties. Erik Lankin still remains in custody.

Henderson faces three charges:

1. Conspiracy to commit mischief over $5,000;

2. Conspiracy to obstruct police;

3. Conspiracy to assault police.

On the phone, she listed off her bail conditions to me with a heaviness that grew with each restriction, including:

• $100,000 bail;

• having to reside with one of her four sureties;

• not being allowed to leave the house unless she is accompanied by one of her four sureties;

• having to be home between 11:00 p.m. and 6:00 a.m. every night regardless of surety accompaniment;

• not being allowed to post anything on the internet;

• non-association with her co-accused;

• not to organize, or participate in, public demonstrations;

But a list does not do justice to the complications these conditions have on her life, as if the government wanted her to pay for daring to question its authority.

Henderson worked at a law firm and that law firm wrote the Crown a letter for her bail hearing, stating that it had kept her job for her when she is released, but because of her strict conditions, she has lost it since she is unable to leave the house without a surety. The loss of her job means she has no way to earn an income until her bail conditions are changed or the matter is finally settled in court.

But since the Crown is currently appealing her release there is almost no chance that she will get her bail restrictions eased. It appears the Crown does not even want her out, let alone in the position to have more freedom than they are already granting her.

Also restrictive is Henderson’s non-association condition. Henderson is in a relationship with one of her co-accused so that is the one exception to her non-association condition. They are still allowed to see each other in the presence of one of their sureties. The Crown would not allow them to stay in the same residence, so if she wants to go visit her partner, her surety has to accompany her over to her partner’s house and remain in the room during the entirety of the visit, and vice versa. If they both leave the house, then they both need a surety to accompany them. They are not allowed to communicate over email. If they talk on the phone, each needs a surety present on their end of the conversation to listen in live.

Imagine trying to live like that. Unable to leave your home unless with a chaperone, unable to work and unable to spend alone time with your significant other. Financial restrictions are trying, but consider the stress on the heart and soul of a relationship. Any attempt to seek comfort from your intimate support system is mitigated by the presence of a third party who could be asked at any time to report on your behavior. Being watched constantly, how does someone have a normal phone conversation, go out in public or settle into the private embrace of a loved one? These types of conditions are meant to break the spirit.

Not only is the government appealing a Crown ruling regarding the bail of Henderson and Hundert, on August 19, 2010, in an attempt to further isolate Henderson and her co-accused from their community, the police have warned them against speaking to the media. Hundert’s father was warned by the police that any statement or speech that was critical of the government or of the police could be interpreted as public protest, and therefore constitute a breach of their bail conditions.

Describing the parameters of Henderson and Hundert’s bail conditions, Ontario Provincial Police Inspector (OPP), Dave Ross, denied that any activist was being silenced but did admit that the police have been monitoring the communications and public statements of the accused.

“These two individuals agreed to conditions by the court and the court did impose conditions on them,” he said in an interview on Aug. 5. “After consultations with a Crown attorney, we did contact the individuals to advise them that some of their comments could be construed as violating their bail conditions.”

Public comments are defined as interviews, internet posts, and any communications that could be construed to be motivating or actively engaging the activist community.

“Leah and Alex recently appeared on CBC radio, Toronto Sun, Vancouver Media Co-op, and rabble decrying the politically motivated nature of the charges against them and calling on all people to support Indigenous communities, poor people, precarious migrants, and communities under occupation in the face of attacks by the leaders and policies of the G20 on their lands, livelihood, and health,” said Faraz Shahidi, of the Ontario Public Interest Research Group (OPIRG – Toronto).

Ross further commented, “Certainly, we recognize peoples’ right to freedom of speech and lawful assembly, it’s what is said that can be construed as violating those bail conditions… I think it’s important to recognize that speaking to the media is not an offence. It’s what one might say (that determines) whether or not that contravenes a condition of bail.”

Supporters of the four defendants are speaking up.

“There could hardly be a clearer indication that the police are trying to silence the voices of these organizers at all costs,” said Shahidi.

“Alex and Leah refuse to be intimidated from speaking out about their experiences and the daily injustices perpetrated against our society’s most marginalized communities.”

Ryan White, a Movement Defense Committee lawyer, said in the release: “Freely expressing opinions is not illegal. These violations of the right to free speech and the freedom of the press to speak to G20 defendants have a grave impact on all of us.”

Each word these defendants and their supporters say, each word I write, each word you read, joins us at the heart; the rhythm of listening and speaking that unites a community in a murmur and a shout: None of us are free until we are all free.

The four alleged ring leaders will appear with other G20 defendants in court again on August 23, 2010.

Krystalline Kraus writes the G8/G20 Communique blog for rabble.ca

G20 Convergence: To its success and looking ahead

Thursday, July 29th, 2010

We used the fleeting moment of the G8/G20 summit to further organize Toronto’s community struggles against the impact of colonial, capitalist policies that seek to weaken us everyday. And we succeeded.

July 27, 2010,
One month after the G20 Convergence.

Since September 2009, we’ve worked to challenge, disrupt and abolish the G8/G20. We used the fleeting moment of the G8/G20 summit to further organize Toronto’s community struggles against the impact of colonial, capitalist policies that seek to weaken us everyday.

And we succeeded.

From June 21 to 27, 2010, nearly 40,000 people took to the streets, gathered in discussion, watched movies, set up a tent city, danced and fought. This in itself is a victory.

For the first time, an economic summit saw a march of thousands against colonization and for Indigenous sovereignty (on June 24). This in itself is a victory.

Instead of simplifying our diverse struggles in to one issue, we supported actions for Queer and Trans Rights (22 June), for Environmental Justice (23 June), for Income Equity and Community Control Over Resources (21/24/25 June) , for Gender Justice and Disability Rights (22/25 June), for Migrant Justice and an End to War and Occupation (25 June). We created the conditions for over 100 grassroots organizations to come together, to build relations, to grow stronger together. This in itself is a victory.

For the first time at a G8/G20 Summit (on June 25), we saw communities in ongoing resistance, people of color, poor people, Indigenous people, women, disabled folk, queer folk and others leading the Days of Action (25-27 June). This in itself is a victory.

Knowing that our freedom will rise from an attack at all fronts, respectful of the traditions and needs of safety and efficacy of all our friends; we ensured that actions with conflicting tactics took place separately. This in itself is a victory.

For months, we were followed, intimidated, arrested, our meetings infiltrated by state thugs. Many of us were snatched in pre-dawn and early morning raids on the day of the G20 meeting, yet we were not swayed. We came together, gathered strength and continued to support the demonstrations. This in itself is a victory.

So while 1,090 people have been arrested, thousands beaten, illegally detained, searched, harassed and abused. While over 300 people face criminal prosecutions for their ideological and political actions, and while multiple instances of so-called conspiracy trials and politically motivated targeting continues, we insist, this June 2010, on the streets of Toronto, the people won.

One phase of our work is complete. A new one must begin.

Many of us are organizers in community groups and will be returning to them, we urge you to join us.

Many of us are activists inspired by our collective power these last few months, we intend to form new spaces and organizations for justice, we urge you to do the same.

Many of us will continue to fight for freedom for our friends facing repression, we urge you to support us.

The organized resistance in Toronto has emerged stronger, unified, connected. We take this moment to send our solidarity to the organizations and groups across the world to continue their struggles. Take action in your communities. Build lasting movements for justice free of state violence.

=======

Have an inspiring story, picture or video, email them to
community.mobilize@resist.ca. It is imperative that we remember the joys
with the pain.

This message has been released by the Toronto Community Mobilization Network on July 28, 2010.

What we struggle for on a daily basis: The fundmentals of G20 resistance

Monday, July 19th, 2010

Harsha Walia from No One is Illegal touches on economic disparity and exploitation, the absence of a democratic process and the illegitimacy of borders. She urges people to find out more about why people are resisting the G8/G20.