Archive for the ‘Animal Rights’ Category

Annual bird mortality in tar sands tailings ponds exceeds government/industry figures: Study

Wednesday, September 8th, 2010

By Treeline Ecological Research | September 7, 2010

Edmonton – A study in the peer-reviewed journal The Wilson Journal of Ornithology to be published in early September (online in late August) shows annual bird mortality in the bitumen tailings ponds of northeastern Alberta – an internationally significant migratory bird corridor – greatly exceeds industry estimates.

The authors investigated three types of data: government-industry reported mortalities; rates of bird deaths at tailings ponds; and rates of landing, oiling, and mortality to quantify annual bird mortality due to exposure to tailings ponds.

For the period 2000 to 2007, reporting by industry indicated a mean annual mortality from tailings pond exposure of 65 birds. The study, entitled “Annual Bird Mortality in the Bitumen Tailings Ponds in Northeastern Alberta,” however, indicated an annual mortality in the range of 458 to 5,029 birds – a range deemed conservative because birds found dead represent an unknown fraction of true mortality and data do not include mortalities that occur before spring, between spring and fall migration, and after fall migration. The wide range in the annual mortality estimates is due in large part to spatial and temporal variations in bird mortality rates.

“The ad hoc monitoring by industry, sanctioned by government, cannot address pressing questions whose answers would aid in the conservation of both migratory and resident birds,” said Dr. Kevin Timoney of Treeline Ecological Research, one of the study’s authors along with Dr. Robert Roncini of Dalhousie University.

Other findings of the study include:

Landing deterrent systems at tailings ponds are only partially effective. The only way to prevent bird deaths is to discontinue the use of tailings ponds.

While tailings ponds, which contain bitumen, polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons, volatile organic compounds, naphthenic acids, brine, heavy metals, and ammonia, pose the greatest threat in spring when warm effluent-fed tailings ponds provide open water at a time when natural water bodies remain frozen, a high risk of oiling may extend throughout the open water season.

The fate of lightly oiled birds that continue migration, in particular to summer breeding areas, is unknown.

The total number of birds migrating through the region and the total annual bird mortality due to tailings ponds are not known with sufficient scientific rigor.

Data on mortalities during extreme weather events and on the frequency of mass mortality events are lacking.

The study concludes: “Government-overseen monitoring within a statistically valid design, standardized across all facilities, is needed. Systematic monitoring and accurate, timely reporting would provide data useful to all those concerned with bird conservation and management in the tar sands region.”

This press release appeared on rabble.ca on September 7, 2010

Image via treehugger.com

Lee Hall: What are Animal Rights? The Vegan Peace Declaration

Thursday, August 26th, 2010

 

The recent BP Oil catastrophe is a tragic example of industry and corporate intrusion into a shared planet, whereby gain is private and disaster is public: executives, shareholders, and consumers reap the financial and material benefits of environmental exploitation , while ecological costs are shared amongst all humans, animals, and biological communities.  Below, Lee Hall discusses the implications of animal rights ethics in an age of unprecedented environmental degradation and ever-increasing habitat loss, and links the animal rights movement and environmental advocacy.

Originally published in Dissident Voice,  April 8, 2009.

Animal-rights activists are famous for talking about what we don’t want. But what kind of rights do we want? Let’s start by thinking about why we use the term “rights” at all.

We’ve constructed a system that treats everything and everyone on the planet as a person or as a piece of property. Water and seeds, trees and beaches: all for sale. Conscious animals too are classified as property, available for use by “persons” (including businesses). Only those legal persons have rights — socially created shields which oblige us to respect other people’s interests.

Which brings us back to animal-rights activists. People who are serious about nonhuman rights wish to discontinue the system that makes human interests the top priority and then controls all other beings for our uses and conveniences.

The animal-rights idea has been around a long time. Henry Salt, author of Animals’ Rights Considered in Relation to Social Progress (1892), asserted that the human habit of raising other animals in order to consume them is to inflict unnecessary harm on sentient beings. Salt, as well as Anna Kingsford (who graduated from medical school in Paris in 1880, unique in doing so without having experimented on a single animal), influenced Gandhi to decide it’s a moral duty “not to live upon fellow-animals.” And in 1944, the word “vegan” was coined to express the idea of conscientious objection to war against our fellows. The vegan peace declaration is a commitment to avoid the products of animal use, such as dairy items, flesh, eggs, and honey. By preferring melon slices or a plate of stuffed grape leaves, vegans erode the custom of animal breeding — a custom that, at the same time, uses habitat needed by animals who could live free.

In its broadest sense, veganism is the cultivation of a society that renounces domination and systematic killing. This is the core of animal-rights theory: the forthright claim that all conscious beings, human or not, should be allowed to live on their own terms, not the terms set down by those who seek to control and exploit others.

Plea From Planet Earth

Imagine the day the extraterrestrials pay us a visit. Being more capable and advanced than ourselves (get a load of that spaceship), but not having any way of hearing or understanding our words or cries, they debate whether to consume us, experiment on us, or wrap us up and carry us home as playthings. Our options end. They decide to enlist us in fulfilling their interests in food, research and entertainment. We’re frightened and appalled, even by the ones who only insist on doing it for our own good (stewardship, we Earthlings have called that). We like to decide what’s good for ourselves.

“Please, let us alone,” we beg. “Don’t split up our families to introduce us into your more advanced culture; don’t talk about how well you should care for us before using us up. Don’t try to mimic our natural habitat so we can live and reproduce when you display us. Don’t do it even if you know we’ll blow ourselves up or go extinct under the melting ice caps. Just go in peace.”

Could we ourselves heed that plea? Most people will call it impossible, saying we must be realistic; they’ll say patterns of domination and subjugation, and hierarchical ideas about species, are too ingrained in human thinking to be undone. Whether they are right or not, most people thereby perpetuate the power structures humanity has constructed. The first step to achieving change is conceiving it, and that’s what the vegan proposal has done. At its best, our movement inspires society to accept risk, to respect other beings even if that means accepting some level of danger, to ensure that we leave animals capable of living and moving freely in spaces to which they’ve naturally adapted, and to refuse to alienate them from those habitats.

Plain fairness challenges us to intervene in the cycle of breeding animals, and to stop sending domesticated cats, tropical birds, school-raised ducklings and other displaced animals into the world to fend for themselves in biocommunities that are ill-equipped to sustain or cope with them. To leave birds in their own forests rather than remove them and cage them as decorative or talkative pets, to let chimpanzees live in their natural territories rather expect them to have babies in zoos and language labs, to let bats and wolves and jaguars migrate without impediments, to respect turkeys’ natural lives rather than consider their slaughtered bodies essential to our holiday buffets; to leave fish in their waters, swimming free. The dignity of freedom, along with life itself, is at the core of what rights are meant to defend.

That doesn’t mean we ignore the dependent and domesticated — abandoned rabbits or feral cats or dogs in need of homes. Animal-rights theory challenges the cycle of making animals vulnerable and then coming to their rescue; yet it is not a pass to ignore the welfare of dependent animals who are already born. We are all members of humanity, the class we’ve constructed in order to bestow on ourselves the right to control all the others. Where we’ve endangered our fellow-animals and made them dependent, we have a collective responsibility to care for them today. So a caregiving ethic properly applies to cats, dogs, and other purpose-bred animals, while animal rights means preventing the cycle of control in the first place, preventing the destruction of communities of deer and coyotes, elk and wolves, wildcats, whales, bats and bees. This is why the strongest case for animal rights must be engaged with environmental advocacy.

In turn, animal-rights theory presents environmentalists with their strongest case. After all, a society that seriously considers animals’ claims to their habitat would refuse to let Mobil, Shell, and BP — or the Nature Conservancy, which has profited from drilling for natural gas in the habitat of highly endangered speckled grouse — ignore the interests of animals. Animal rights would change humanity’s way of doing business.

Tom Regan’s Case for Animal Rights (1983) urged: “With regard to wild animals, the general policy recommended by the rights view is: let them be!” These three little words go right to the core of the theory, and they free the spirit of activism. Regan’s three little words also highlight the need for a positively framed right for free-living beings to exist. If the rights proponent focuses simply on “abolition” — that is, on removing animals from the property category — there’s a danger of missing the positive need for free animals to procreate and experience their lives. We could stop bringing other animals into being for our purposes but ignore the loss of communities who enter the world for their own; and animal rights is a hollow idea if animals don’t survive to benefit from the concept. This means we’ll need to control our own numbers and learn to respect the environment not just for our health or aesthetic satisfaction, but because it’s home to other living beings.

Evolution of Animal-Rights Activism

One of my co-workers in the movement, Peter Wallerstein of Friends of Animals’ Marine Animal Rescue group, is an expert at assisting coast-dwelling animals who get caught in anglers’ gear. The idea is to free animals from dangers humans have caused (consistent with this mission, Wallerstein won’t eat fish), and quickly return them to their normal lives. To rescue is to exert control over a seal or a pelican, so Wallerstein believes interventions should be temporary: just long enough to enable the animals to return safely to their sea or skies, where they might flourish on their terms. In most cases, for Marine Animal Rescue, the interactions are brief — although some sea animals are found so debilitated they need long-term care; and unusual algal blooms, thought to be connected with warming oceans, cause domoic acid poisonings, which are often fatal to sea lions and seabirds.

Some others — spider monkeys, chimpanzees, gibbons, parrots, and various animals kept in human settings and then discarded, such as the ones who now live at our San Antonio sanctuary — need a caregiving ethic, and they need it for life. Primarily Primates offers its animals private space, and publicly challenges humanity’s feeling of entitlement to use other animals. And that, in turn, means confronting any business which breeds domesticated animals into existence, displacing habitat where free-living animals once thrived. So the evolution of our work now includes collaboration between the rescue and rehabilitation community and animal-rights theorists. We point out that advocates can and do care for the animals caught in our current system yet at the same time organize a new cultural reality, so that whole communities of animals won’t be driven from their lands and waters, selectively bred to meet our specifications, or in some way pressed into positions of needing refuge.

We know we’re asking questions that challenge many, many generations of our cultural patterns. In light of the tremendous responsibility we’ve accepted, what kind of rights should we seek?

Seen in its strongest and best light, the animal-rights proposal does not present a list of demands, but cultivates an attitude of respect. A willingness to live gently on the land and walk respectfully along the ocean without seeing either as a store of resources for us. A desire to allow natural plants to flourish for bees, to grow our crops with an appreciation for the animals who move beneath and over them. We need to learn, as much as possible, to let other animals be.

To respect the lives of seals means respecting the lives of fish and other animals in their waters. Respecting the lives of primates would necessarily mean respecting tree frogs in the forests that need us to put down our logging machinery. What other members of Earth’s biocommunity need from us is a robust movement to defend what natural places remain.

Once we agree in principle what animal rights should be and then implement it, cultivating a society that can outgrow its drive to kill and conquer, we then decide the best approach in specific situations. Some difficult questions will involve conflicts we might have caused or aggravated between living communities, given our outsized population and the ways we have already changed the face of the planet. The key will be mindfulness, so as to steadfastly avoid reinstating the primacy of humans over the other animal communities.

Because it defends the vital interests of our fellow-animals in viable habitats, the vegan declaration of peace presents the most serious challenge to those who deforest the land, commodify life, and pollute the earth, water, and atmosphere. As such, it’s not only a key to our becoming full moral actors on the ecological stage, but also needed for keeping that stage from falling apart. We cannot afford to surrender to the loss of whole biocommunities and the meltdown of major ice sheets; if we don’t change soon, our options will run out. Never has it been more important for vegan advocates to know just what we’re asking for, and be heard.

Image by Frederic Larson, San Francisco Chronicle

Criminalization of Dissent: The Animal Enterprise Terrorism Act

Thursday, August 19th, 2010


Image via VeganSoapBox.com

In Toronto, this week’s Criminalization of Dissent panel and discussion highlighted issues surrounding the state’s assault on G20 protesters.     Critics of the G20 argue, among other things, that nations represented at the summit champion free enterprise at the expense of the world’s most vulnerable – including the economically disadvantaged, indigenous people, the environment, and animals.   In a phenomenon that has been dubbed the ” Green Scare,” fear of terrorism is being exploited to push a political and corporate agenda   - attaching the label of “eco-terrorist” to those animal rights and environmental activists whose actions would threaten free enterprise.  Legislators in the United States have responded to the threat posed by alleged “eco-terrorists” by enacting the Animal Enterprise Terrorism Act (AETA), signed into law in 2006 by George W. Bush, with the support of animal industry groups and corporations

Animal advocates such as Lee Hall have argued that militant tactics  by animal rights and environmental advocates paved the way for this legislation, “because militant tactics have given oppressive forces the ability to rationalize a need for it.”  Regardless of one’s criticisms of such tactics, it is probable that ”legal, above-ground activists” employing exclusively non-violent tactics  will be the most adversely affected by laws such as the AETA.  The legislation includes a clause stipulating fines of up to $10,000 and up to 6 months in jail for:

“…an offense involving exclusively a non-violent physical obstruction of an animal enterprise or a business having a connection to, or relationship with, an animal enterprise, that may result in loss of profits but does not result in bodily injury or death or property damage or loss”

Full text of the AETA can be found hereAs Will Potter explains in the following article, a group of animal rights activists known as the “AETA 4” were charged with violating this act after allegedly chalking (animal rights) slogans on the sidewalk, distributing flyers, and attending protests.  Reactionary legislation such as the AETA threaten  free speech and are cause for concern among all those involved in activism, protest, and dissent.

BREAKING: AETA 4 Case Dismissed, But Re-Indictment Possible

July 12, 2010, by Will Potter
Image and article published at GreenIsTheNewRed.com

A U.S. District Court has thrown out the indictment of four animal rights activists who were charged with violating the Animal Enterprise Terrorism Act, because the government did not clearly explain what, exactly, the protesters did.

When Joseph Buddenberg, Maryam Khajavi, Nathan Pope and Adriana Stumpo were arrested in 2009, prosecutors said little other than that the group allegedly chalked slogans on the sidewalk, distributed fliers and attended protests. Later, when they were officially indicted, the government was still tight-lipped about how their non-violent, above-ground protests amounted to “terrorism.”

In response, the Center for Constitutional Rights and attorney Matthew Strugar led an effort to have the indictments dismissed. In short, they argued that the charges should be dropped because they seem to involve only protected First Amendment speech, but that in order to make that argument the defendants’ speech must be clearly identified.

Here’s an excerpt from Judge Ronald M. Whyte’s ruling:

In order for an indictment to fulfill its constitutional purposes, it must allege facts that sufficiently inform each defendant of what it is that he or she is alleged to have done that constitutes a crime. This is particularly important where the species of behavior in question spans a wide spectrum from criminal conduct to constitutionally protected political protest. While “true threats” enjoy no First Amendment protection, picketing and political protest are at the very core of what is protected by the First Amendment. Where the defendants’ conduct falls on this spectrum in this case will very likely ultimately be decided by a jury. Before this case proceeds to a jury, however, the defendants are entitled to a more specific indictment setting forth their conduct alleged to be criminal. [emphasis added]

As background, a fierce campaign has been being waged in California against animal research at the University of California system. There has been a wide range of both legal and illegal tactics. Illegal tactics have included the destruction of UC vans, and an incendiary device was left at the home of a UC researcher.

The FBI and local law enforcement haven’t been able to catch the people responsible, though. They’ve only cracked down on the above-ground activists, like the AETA 4, who protest and create fliers.

The previous version of the law was used to convict the SHAC 7 for running a controversial website that posted news of both legal and illegal actions. This case, the first use of the new Animal Enterprise Terrorism Act, was clearly an attempt to use this sweeping legislation even more broadly against First Amendment activity. This ruling sternly rebukes the government’s attempt to take activists to trial for “terrorism” without even explaining what they have done.

To be clear, though, this case is not over. The government can still re-indict the defendants with an amended bill of particulars that clearly outlines their alleged actions.

This is a victory worth celebrating, and it should also be inspiration for renewed organizing. Corporations and the politicians who represent them have been pushing this “eco-terrorism” and “animal enterprise terrorism” legislation for years, and they will not sit quietly as the flagship case of their pet scare-mongering law is tossed aside.

If prosecutors choose to re-indict, it should be at their own peril; the animal rights and environmental movements must be ready to respond even more loudly, more forcefully, that activism is not terrorism.

G20 Convergence: To its success and looking ahead

Thursday, July 29th, 2010

We used the fleeting moment of the G8/G20 summit to further organize Toronto’s community struggles against the impact of colonial, capitalist policies that seek to weaken us everyday. And we succeeded.

July 27, 2010,
One month after the G20 Convergence.

Since September 2009, we’ve worked to challenge, disrupt and abolish the G8/G20. We used the fleeting moment of the G8/G20 summit to further organize Toronto’s community struggles against the impact of colonial, capitalist policies that seek to weaken us everyday.

And we succeeded.

From June 21 to 27, 2010, nearly 40,000 people took to the streets, gathered in discussion, watched movies, set up a tent city, danced and fought. This in itself is a victory.

For the first time, an economic summit saw a march of thousands against colonization and for Indigenous sovereignty (on June 24). This in itself is a victory.

Instead of simplifying our diverse struggles in to one issue, we supported actions for Queer and Trans Rights (22 June), for Environmental Justice (23 June), for Income Equity and Community Control Over Resources (21/24/25 June) , for Gender Justice and Disability Rights (22/25 June), for Migrant Justice and an End to War and Occupation (25 June). We created the conditions for over 100 grassroots organizations to come together, to build relations, to grow stronger together. This in itself is a victory.

For the first time at a G8/G20 Summit (on June 25), we saw communities in ongoing resistance, people of color, poor people, Indigenous people, women, disabled folk, queer folk and others leading the Days of Action (25-27 June). This in itself is a victory.

Knowing that our freedom will rise from an attack at all fronts, respectful of the traditions and needs of safety and efficacy of all our friends; we ensured that actions with conflicting tactics took place separately. This in itself is a victory.

For months, we were followed, intimidated, arrested, our meetings infiltrated by state thugs. Many of us were snatched in pre-dawn and early morning raids on the day of the G20 meeting, yet we were not swayed. We came together, gathered strength and continued to support the demonstrations. This in itself is a victory.

So while 1,090 people have been arrested, thousands beaten, illegally detained, searched, harassed and abused. While over 300 people face criminal prosecutions for their ideological and political actions, and while multiple instances of so-called conspiracy trials and politically motivated targeting continues, we insist, this June 2010, on the streets of Toronto, the people won.

One phase of our work is complete. A new one must begin.

Many of us are organizers in community groups and will be returning to them, we urge you to join us.

Many of us are activists inspired by our collective power these last few months, we intend to form new spaces and organizations for justice, we urge you to do the same.

Many of us will continue to fight for freedom for our friends facing repression, we urge you to support us.

The organized resistance in Toronto has emerged stronger, unified, connected. We take this moment to send our solidarity to the organizations and groups across the world to continue their struggles. Take action in your communities. Build lasting movements for justice free of state violence.

=======

Have an inspiring story, picture or video, email them to
community.mobilize@resist.ca. It is imperative that we remember the joys
with the pain.

This message has been released by the Toronto Community Mobilization Network on July 28, 2010.

What we struggle for on a daily basis: The fundmentals of G20 resistance

Monday, July 19th, 2010

Harsha Walia from No One is Illegal touches on economic disparity and exploitation, the absence of a democratic process and the illegitimacy of borders. She urges people to find out more about why people are resisting the G8/G20.

Voices for migrant justice from South Korea, the location for the next G20 summit

Monday, July 19th, 2010


A letter from the Migrant Trade Union of South Korea asks for support and solidarity in face of repression and abuse wrought by the South Korean government, preparing to host the next G20 summit in November 2010
.

Dear friends and allies

Migrants Trade Union (MTU) sends you warm greetings and solidarity. We are writing to inform you of very upsetting events taking place in South Korea and to ask for your support.

South Koreais currently preparing to host the G20 Summit in November. The government of Lee Myung-bak is using the upcoming event as an excuse to enforce policies that trample on basic democratic rights. In particular, the Lee administration is using the G20 Summit as a pretext for carrying out a massive crackdown against undocumented migrant workers currently residing in the country.

For many years now, migrant workers have worked in South Korea’s small and medium-size factories, playing an important role by supporting South Korean industry. Undocumented migrant workers, who have often lived in Korea longer than their documented colleagues, have become especially accustom to Korean culture and lived together with Korean citizens as part of Korean society.

Despite the fact that the Korean government brings thousands of migrantworkers to Korea to fill labor shortages in small and medium-size companies, it will not allow them to legally settle or invite their families to live with them. Refusing to sight the UN Convention on the Protect of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Family, which promises basic protections for migrant workers’ human rights, the South Korean government treats migrant workers only as cheap and disposable labor. The government’s sole policy towards undocumented migrant workers has been one of viscous raids, detention and deportation, which has lead to countless injuries and deaths. Every year, migrant workers lose their lives in the course of the government’s crackdown.

This year, the government is using the G20 Summit as an excuse to openly strengthening the policy of raids, detention and deportation. Since May, the police have been carrying out a ‘crackdown on foreigner crime’, stopping people on the street for no reason other than that they appear to be foreign. The government has said it plans to get rid of South Korea’s 180,000 undocumented migrant workers by the end of August.

In response, labor and social justice organizations are joining forces to oppose this anti-human rights, anti-labor policy, and carry out a united struggle to protect migrant workers’ rights.

We ask for your support and solidarity as we move forward with our struggle. Please send letters of protest to the South Korean government expressing your grave concern about its repression against migrant workers. A sample letter is attached for your reference.

Your solidarity is an important part of a wider effort to protect the rights of South Korea’s migrant workers. We will work hard to keep you informed of the situation here in Korea. We ask for your sincere attention and support.

Sincerely,

July 4th, 2010

You may fill in your organizations name and sign the letter below, or use it as reference to draft your own letter.

Please fax letters to: President Lee Myung-bak

Ministry of Justice, Republic of Korea
Building 1, Gwacheon Government Complex,
Jungang-dong 1, Gwacheon-si, Gyeonggi-do
Republicof Korea
Fax: 82-2-2110-3079

Commissioner of Korean Immigration Service
Fax: 82-2-500-9059, 82-2-500-9128, 82-2-500-9026

When you do so, please also send a copy to us a mtuintl@jinbo.net or
82-2-2269-6166 (fax)

<Sample Protest Letter>

We at  *(fill in organization name) * wish to express our deep-felt anger and concern about South Korea’s policy towards undocumented migrant workers. It has come to our attention that your administration is pursuing a massive crackdown against South Korea’s 180,000 undocumented migrant workers in preparation for the G20 Summit to be held in November this year. While you seek to advance your country’s international standing by hosting the Summit, this blatant attack on basic rights only demonstrates the backwardness of your government and its stance towards migrants.

We are aware that migrant workers have played an important role in turning South Korea from a underdeveloped to a highly developed nation. Even now, migrant workers are supporting the Korean economy by filling labor shortages in small and medium-size companies.

In an age when migration is taking place around the globe, governments need new forward-looking policies on migrants. Recognizing this, many nations have signed the International Convention on the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families and are seeking to reduce discrimination against migrants. Some governments have provided pathways for undocumented migrants who have resided in their borders for a long time to settle and attain the same rights as nationals. This is because they recognize that even without legal visa status, these migrant and their families have contributed to and become part of the society in which they live. It is also because these government recognize that undocumented migrant workers play an important role in supporting national economies.

In comparison, the South Korean government’s policy towards migrant workers lags far behind international standards. Amnesty international has documented Amnesty International has documented and expressed concern about cases of, “arbitrary arrests, collective expulsions and violations of law enforcement
procedures, including in some cases, excessive use of force,” during raids by South Korean immigration officials and police. The international NGO has also noted that, *”mass crackdowns have… put pressure on detention facilities, contributing to**
**problems of overcrowding, poor living conditions and delayed access to medical**
** treatment”*(Amnesty International, *Disposable Labor: Rights of Migrant Workers in South Korea*, 33).

In his 2008 report to the Human Right Council, the UN Special Rapporteur noted that states *have, “the obligation to respect and protect the human rights of all those within its territory, nationals and non-nationals alike, regardless of mode of entry or migratory status” *(A/HRC/7/12, para 14). He also noted that a high degree of discretion given immigration authorities to detain migrants and the use of mass raids can lead to human rights violations  and collective expulsion, which is illegal in international law (A/HRC/7/12, para 48-49). He recommended that states find alternatives to detention, as a means for avoiding the abuses undocumented migrants face (A/HRC/7/12, para 65).

We are gravely concerned that South Korea is doing nothing to address these issues and it instead, only strengthening policies which violate migrant workers rights. We therefore make the following demands:

1. That the South Korean government and, in particular the Ministry of Justice and the Immigration Service, immediately stop the viscous crackdown, which is threatening the human rights and very lives of migrant workers.

2. That the South Korean government stop using the goals of a successful G20 Summit and advancement of its international standing as an excuse to arrest and deport migrant workers, and instead put forth a realistic solution to the problems of undocumented migrant workers, such as a plan for legalization.

We will be keeping an eye on the measures the government implements with regard to migrant workers and the efforts it makes to protect their rights. We hope that you will do your best to put forth a positive policy concerning the rights of undocumented migrant workers and their families.

Sincerely,

G20 Wrap-Up from NIO Toronto

Saturday, July 10th, 2010

G20 Wrap-Up from NIO Toronto

Part 2 July 4, 2010 — Negotiation Is Over

by Jamie Rivet

EXCERPTS

Many activists from within the animal rights community questioned our involvement in the resistance. They cast doubt on our role in this coalition of movements, both in terms of our relevance and our efficacy. They were also quick to side with the fascist police state in condemning the property destruction of the Black Bloc. I am tempted to state my visceral reaction to these traitors, but I’ll use great restraint and instead give my reasons for their treason.

It is foolish indeed to believe that those who manage the global economy are not connected to the issue of animal rights. G20 states promote and subsidize animal exploitation in each of its forms: vivisection, food, clothing, etc. But beyond that, they are threatening all animal life on earth, human and non human, by deifying economic growth as the single most important parameter of progress. Just out of self interest– if the only life you care about is your own– one has reason enough to resist G20. Some activist’s could not connect the dots between G20 and exploitation though.

And as I explained in part 1, we were effective: we did reach other activists and we did get the animal question heard outside of the resistance. But this question of effectiveness comes up time after time so I will say this too. Anytime you are able to take action, then take it. Anytime you can speak up for animal rights, speak up! The only bad activism is not taking any action. We need more voices and actions for animals, not less.

Many activists were also quick to condemn the “violent” actions of those who destroyed property, especially the Black Bloc. Such people do not realize that they have somewhere along the way sold their souls to the quasi gods of consumerism and have adopted a philosophy which venerates private property. These people seem to value things– non sentient objects– more than earthlings, more than the living feeling animals of this planet. In any case, their empathy for inanimate objects is irrational and undeserved. Ideally the animal rights community would have greater solidarity; we would support those with different approaches and philosophies from our own. Certainly we are always free to examine the strategy others use for liberation– we are free to discuss these things and argue in private. But we need a unified front when facing exploiters, when dealing with the outside world.

TO READ THIS ARTICLE IN FULL (PART ONE AND PART TWO) VISIT: http://negotiationisover.com/tag/g20-toronto/

10 Reasons to Oppose the G8/G20: Press Conference – Toronto Community Mobilization Network. 2 of 2

Monday, July 5th, 2010

The Toronto Community Mobilization Network (TCMN) is a collection of  Toronto-based organizers and allies. They held a press conference on May  20th 2010, prior to the summits, to outline their concerns for which  they mobilized against the G8 and G20.